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5cf54411a0144d0011d9c5d6As new trends and challenges impinge on higher education, reconsideration of the structure and purpose of the political science major will be fundamental in determining its future. The Wahlke report, or “Liberal Learning and the Political Science Major” by John C. Wahlke, was published in 1991 as the Report of Task Force on the Political Science Major, appointed by APSA President Lucian Pye, and as part of volume on “Liberal Learning and Arts and Sciences Majors” compiled by Association of American Colleges. The report set forth a vision of liberal political education, and a set of recommendations for achieving it. In the intervening years, though, new challenges to the political science major—from unsustainable costs and new technologies to changing student populations and demands for new skills—have emerged. The coming challenge will be to respond to these changes while retaining a core structure and coherence of the political science major. 18802019-06-03T18:48:22.566ZSR Smith - Rethinking the Undergraduate Political Science Major.pdf602008application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5cf54411a0144d0011d9c5d6/original/rethinking-the-undergraduate-political-science-major-the-wahlke-report-revisited.pdf["orcid:0000-0002-8651-0460","name:meghan mcconaughey"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42a"]00APSA—913Presentation5ce663395846762193c9c43210.33774/apsa-2019-wjhvxhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-wjhvxhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5cf54411a0144d0011d9c5d6—[]——true["political science","undergraduate education","curriculum","pedagogy","service learning"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef252019-06-03T18:48:22.575ZPUBLISHED2019-06-03T18:48:22.575Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-06-03T16:13:10.450Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5cf54411a0144d0011d9c5d6/mediumThumb/rethinking-the-undergraduate-political-science-major-the-wahlke-report-revisited.jpgRethinking the Undergraduate Political Science Major: The Wahlke Report Revisited1—[]
5cfe9d98b1eed50012fbcb44In this paper, while reviewing, investigating, and comparing the works of Wade (1992); Ozden (2003); and Bist and Read (2018), I argue that despite the collaborative efforts and policies from the world organizations and developed countries, the developing countries still face significant difficulties due to their economic status while conducting transnational trade and business with developed countries and often fail to attain mutually beneficial terms and agreements. I also reviewed several other reports that outline a similar trend and pattern between bi and multilateral business agreements where less developed countries systematically failed to attain equal space in the negotiation table. Wade (2018) argues that developed countries and world organizations collectively need to address this issue and develop a sustainable framework that ensures equal and equity-based participation from less developing countries, and this will ensure collective and sustainable global socioeconomic growth. 15812019-06-10T20:12:38.388ZFinal Paper (Hassan Afzal)-May 2019.pdf139033application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5cfe9d98b1eed50012fbcb44/original/power-and-trade-agreements-between-developed-and-developing-countries.pdf["orcid:0000-0001-8192-0885"]["5ce663395846762193c9c423"]00APSA—992Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-xzz4zhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-xzz4zhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5cfe9d98b1eed50012fbcb44—[]——true["Impact of Trade Barriers","Equity-based trade participation","Bilateral and multilateral trade agreements ","Inclusive socioeconomic growth ","Economic disempowerment "]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-06-10T20:12:38.407ZPUBLISHED2019-06-10T20:12:38.407Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-06-10T18:22:04.732Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5cfe9d98b1eed50012fbcb44/mediumThumb/power-and-trade-agreements-between-developed-and-developing-countries.jpgPower and Trade Agreements between Developed and Developing Countries1—[]
5cfea9c8b1eed50012fbcb46The aim of this study is to examine and understand the multifaceted relationship between participation in rural microfinance programs and intimate partner violence (IPV) for Bangladeshi women. The stern negative socioeconomic impacts of IPV on Bangladeshi rural women have been recognized and addressed in a growing number of case studies and analyses. This study finds that membership in microfinance loan programs in rural areas results in reduced IPV in the household. Furthermore, when the husband/partner is more educated and the wife has more decision-making ability in the household and used birth control last year, the IPV instances reduced significantly in that household. This study uses the 2014 Bangladeshi Demographic and Health Survey (BDHS) implemented by the National Institute for Population Research and Training (NIPORT). We find that membership in microfinance loan programs and husbands’ level of education and birth control usage associates with reduced IPV in the household. 20452019-06-10T23:33:53.249ZMuhammad Hassan Bin Afzal (Full research paper) May 2019.pdf314391application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5cfea9c8b1eed50012fbcb46/original/the-correlations-between-microfinance-participation-and-intimate-partner-violence-ipv-in-rural-bangladesh-economic-disempowerment-and-deteriorating-social-health-in-rural-women.pdf["orcid:0000-0001-8192-0885"]["5ce663395846762193c9c428"]20APSA—645Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-xwc4chttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-xwc4chttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5cfea9c8b1eed50012fbcb46—[]——true["Intimate Partner Violence","Economic Disempowerment in Rural Women","Deteriorating Social Health","Legal Framework to Prevent IPV","Collective Action Approach","Inclusive Community Development"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-06-10T23:33:53.259ZPUBLISHED2019-06-10T23:33:53.259Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-06-10T19:11:41.711Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5cfea9c8b1eed50012fbcb46/mediumThumb/the-correlations-between-microfinance-participation-and-intimate-partner-violence-ipv-in-rural-bangladesh-economic-disempowerment-and-deteriorating-social-health-in-rural-women.jpgThe Correlations between Microfinance Participation and Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) in Rural Bangladesh: Economic Disempowerment and Deteriorating Social Health in Rural Women1—[]
5cfedbe35e19350018cc01baDr. Philip Pettit's theory of republicanism is a brilliant modernization of the classic theory of a domestic balance of power within the state. This paper takes my dissertation research, itself based on Dr. Pettit's work and pushes it from the theoretical in the political-comparative part of our discipline. Combining political theory with comparative politics, this work does two things. First, it creates a first-of-its-kind liberal democratic index, that used the political-theoretical concept of liberal democracy as the backbone of a standard democratic index. Next, it applies this index to understanding how to measure republicanism in the real world and figuring how close many vaunted democracies come to the ideals of the republic and liberal democracy. In a global liberal democratic crisis, it is good to know where major democratic countries currently stand. The fragility of the non-dominating state to some extent actually reinforces and underscores the desirability of that state.9432019-06-17T22:46:28.338Za better place to be with title page.pdf375673application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5cfedbe35e19350018cc01ba/original/a-better-place-to-be-republicanism-and-the-liberal-democracy-index.pdf["name:christopher binetti"]["5ce663395846762193c9c423"]00APSA—310Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-2mw2ohttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-2mw2ohttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5cfedbe35e19350018cc01ba—[]——true[]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-06-17T22:46:28.346ZPUBLISHED2019-06-17T22:46:28.346Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-06-10T22:54:46.260Z[{"description":"This is my data for the index and the paper.","fileName":"data for index.xlsx","fileSizeBytes":25061,"mimeType":"application/vnd.openxmlformats-officedocument.spreadsheetml.sheet","title":"Data","url":"https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5cfedefdebafe70019c1e444/original/data.xlsx"},{"description":"This is the Liberal Democratic Index itself.","fileName":"charts-index.xlsx","fileSizeBytes":15431,"mimeType":"application/vnd.openxmlformats-officedocument.spreadsheetml.sheet","title":"Liberal Democratic Index","url":"https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5cfedf6d5e19350018cc01bd/original/liberal-democratic-index.xlsx"}]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5cfedbe35e19350018cc01ba/mediumThumb/a-better-place-to-be-republicanism-and-the-liberal-democracy-index.jpgA Better Place To Be- Republicanism and the Liberal Democracy index1{"url":"https://doi.org/10.11648/j.jpsir.20190202.12","vorDoi":"10.11648/j.jpsir.20190202.12"}[]
5cff33d65e19350018cc01c0In this paper, we examine whether former rebel parties are more likely to engage in electoral violence when compared to other parties. In many ways because of combat experience and a trained cadre of former fighters, it may be the case that former rebel parties are more likely to rely on violent acts in order to pursue electoral objectives, particularly in the first elections after the end of a civil conflict. Further, we also suggest that certain types of rebel parties, particularly those that are based more on “resource capture” are more likely to engage in violent acts during elections than those that are based on popular mobilization. 10262019-06-11T18:36:49.539ZIshiyama Marshall and Stewart Paper (2).pdf209025application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5cff33d65e19350018cc01c0/original/are-former-rebel-parties-more-likely-to-use-violence-during-elections.pdf["orcid:0000-0002-9934-6030","name:michael marshall","name:brandon stewart"]["5ce663395846762193c9c423"]00APSA—657Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-v7kjihttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-v7kjihttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5cff33d65e19350018cc01c0—[]——true["rebel parties","civil war","electoral violence"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-06-11T18:36:49.551ZPUBLISHED2019-06-11T18:36:49.551Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-06-11T05:08:27.050Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5cff33d65e19350018cc01c0/mediumThumb/are-former-rebel-parties-more-likely-to-use-violence-during-elections.jpgAre former rebel parties more likely to use violence during elections?1—[]
5d0297e0cd0cbf00122e6456Starting in mid-1980, the progressive weakening of several autocracies provided a catalyst for democratization in Asia. Yet, the movement toward democracy has remained limited. Using original national-level survey data, this article investigated the possible impacts of authoritarian legacies on citizens’ attitudes towards democratic rule in Indonesia, Myanmar, and Thailand, and also attempted a comparison with countries in the middle East and North Africa. It found that citizens lack a for- better-or-worse commitment to democratic rule and see it “as a second-best alternative, or as a lesser evil by comparison with a plurality of undemocratic alternatives”, that even those who wholeheartedly support democratic rule appear to lack many of the political strengths and underlying civic habits needed for the development of a lasting democratic political culture, and that countries’ specific combinations of a small numbers of predictors explain citizens’ support for democratic rule in Indonesia, Myanmar and Thailand.19012019-06-13T20:47:21.119ZAPSA Pre-Prints GMDD - 06 12 2019.pdf974448application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d0297e0cd0cbf00122e6456/original/the-long-shadow-of-dictatorships-beyond-the-near-east-authoritarian-legacies-and-citizens-democratic-attitudes-in-indonesia-myanmar-and-thailand.pdf["orcid:0000-0003-2622-6262"]["5ce663395846762193c9c423"]00APSA—1830Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-aukz8https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-aukz8https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d0297e0cd0cbf00122e6456—[]——true["Asia","survey research","democracy","authoritarianism"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-06-13T20:47:21.136ZPUBLISHED2019-06-13T20:47:21.136Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-06-13T18:42:16.032Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d0297e0cd0cbf00122e6456/mediumThumb/the-long-shadow-of-dictatorships-beyond-the-near-east-authoritarian-legacies-and-citizens-democratic-attitudes-in-indonesia-myanmar-and-thailand.jpgThe long shadow of dictatorships beyond the near East: authoritarian legacies and citizens' democratic attitudes in Indonesia, Myanmar and Thailand1—[]
5d086ea0ef378600199d3641Popular struggles for representation and incorporation occupy a prominent place in our understanding of regime change. The role of social forces in democratization processes has, until recently, been difficult to study in a large-n framework. In this paper, we present a set of tests drawing on recent data advances at the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) Institute and the Nonviolent and Violent Campaigns and Outcomes (NAVCO) project. While we cannot track and measure social forces like small-n researchers, we draw upon measures of civil society organization and mobilization as proxies. We examine the impact of civil society organizational capacity and anti-system movement activity to gauge the extent to which organized and mobilized social forces are responsible for the stability, backsliding, and deepening of democracy.15392019-06-18T18:56:17.809ZBernhardEdgell_DSF_June2019-converted.pdf623833application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d086ea0ef378600199d3641/original/democracy-and-social-forces.pdf["orcid:0000-0002-3029-691X","name:michael bernhard"]["5ce663395846762193c9c423"]10APSA—1406Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-85kpphttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-85kpphttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d086ea0ef378600199d3641—[{"funderId":"","grantNumber":"M13-0559:1","name":"Riksbankens Jubileumsfond","url":null},{"funderId":"","grantNumber":"","name":"Knut and Alice Wallenberg Foundation","url":null},{"funderId":"","grantNumber":"","name":"University of Florida Foundation","url":null}]——true["democratization","civil society"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-06-18T18:56:17.820ZPUBLISHED2019-06-18T18:56:17.820Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-06-18T11:22:55.398Z[{"description":"Online appendix with supplemental information, robustness checks, and figures.","fileName":"BernhardEdgell_DSF_Appendix_June2019-converted.pdf","fileSizeBytes":737368,"mimeType":"application/pdf","title":"Online Appendix","url":"https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d08c92e95b36e00199fc12f/original/online-appendix.pdf"}]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d086ea0ef378600199d3641/mediumThumb/democracy-and-social-forces.jpgDemocracy and Social Forces1—[]
5d105b2995b36e00199fc135This paper compares David Miller’s views on the political philosophy of immigration as expressed in his recent book Strangers in Our Midst with my own views, especially as expressed in my book The Ethics of Immigration. I try to show that contrary to what many people may assume, Miller and I agree on a great deal, and when we do disagree, the reasons for our differences are often either contingent or unclear.13972019-06-24T14:04:31.841ZBerkeley paper on Miller.pdf187384application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d105b2995b36e00199fc135/original/why-do-political-philosophers-disagree-reflections-on-david-miller-s-strangers-in-our-midst.pdf["name:joseph carens"]["5ce663395846762193c9c426"]10APSA—416Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-w8xqlhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-w8xqlhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d105b2995b36e00199fc135—[]——true["immigration","justice","David Miller","realism","idealism"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-06-24T14:04:31.880ZPUBLISHED2019-06-24T14:04:31.880Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-06-24T05:15:46.182Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d105b2995b36e00199fc135/mediumThumb/why-do-political-philosophers-disagree-reflections-on-david-miller-s-strangers-in-our-midst.jpgWhy Do Political Philosophers Disagree? Reflections on David Miller’s Strangers in Our Midst1—[]
5d1ccdc3ccf39500118cb4deHating America – and targeting or killing Americans – at times seems like a mandatory activity for terrorists, yet only a small minority of known terrorist organizations target or attack American interests. Under what circumstances do terrorist organizations choose to target American citizens and interests? When do they actually commit such attacks? To answer these questions, we leverage data from the Memorial Institute for the Prevention of Terrorism’s database on terrorist organizations and attacks. Our statistical analysis finds that the factors that drive an organization to target US interests are not completely co-terminus with those factors that help to explain the pattern of actual attacks. The propensity to target and to attack US interests are both related to alliance connections and basing of US troops in authoritarian countries that host a given terrorist organization. 8552019-07-03T20:51:32.217ZTargetingUS_rev__combined.pdf1497382application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d1ccdc3ccf39500118cb4de/original/targeting-and-attacking-america.pdf["orcid:0000-0001-7614-4869","name:r. karl rethemeyer"]["5ce663395846762193c9c423"]00APSA—383Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-7krx4https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-7krx4https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d1ccdc3ccf39500118cb4de—[]——true[]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-07-03T20:51:32.280ZPUBLISHED2019-07-03T20:51:32.280Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-07-03T16:02:50.510Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d1ccdc3ccf39500118cb4de/mediumThumb/targeting-and-attacking-america.jpgTargeting and Attacking America1—[]
5d2dd689f4cf65001aa0744bThe Graduate Placement Report details findings on political science placements for the 2017-2018 academic year. More candidates found first placements in contingent academic positions, indicating an alteration to the most desirable placement path. Those from top NRC-ranked institutions are more likely to first take a post-doc or full-time non-tenure track position. Having a PhD in-hand, rather than ABD, and beginning with full funding, led to higher placement rates. Women and minorities are opting out of academia in larger proportions, except for minorities in academic administration, but more are taking tenure-track first positions. On the other hand, men and non-URMs are taking post-docs and full-time non-tenure track positions as their first placement. In theory, these positions could allow newly placed graduates to increase their publications, grant applications, and works in progress before applying for and committing to both higher teaching loads and departmental and university service.31302019-07-16T21:42:01.464ZGraduate_Placement_Report_2017-2018_Released_V2_Final.pdf770148application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d2dd689f4cf65001aa0744b/original/apsa-graduate-placement-report-analysis-of-political-science-placements-for-2017-2018.pdf["orcid:0000-0002-9169-9499","name:megan davis"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42a"]00APSA—1932Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-55da7https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-55da7https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d2dd689f4cf65001aa0744b—[]——true["post-doc","post-doctoral","contingent faculty","tenure-track","job market","academic job market","women and minorities","diversity and inclusion","graduate placement","political science placement","graduate advising","professional development"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef252019-07-16T21:42:01.476ZPUBLISHED2019-07-16T21:42:01.476Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-07-16T15:13:06.561Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d2dd689f4cf65001aa0744b/mediumThumb/apsa-graduate-placement-report-analysis-of-political-science-placements-for-2017-2018.jpgAPSA Graduate Placement Report: Analysis of Political Science Placements for 2017-20181—[]
5d36df646e08080019ddf8c2How does a once familiar and benign ethnoreligious community become a stranger and a threat? This paper examines the underlying cyclical process that drives different ethnoreligious factions within a territorially bounded polity to frame each other as threats to their relative security and power position. By synthesizing interdisciplinary theories on security, religion, and nationalism, I develop a framework that explains how collective imagined insecurities are manufactured as tangible security threats. In particular, it identifies and describes the phases and the dynamics through which threatening conceptions and narratives about the ethnoreligious ‘others’ are developed, socialized, and legitimized. Applying this framework to analyze the lingering tensions between Muslim and Christian communities in Indonesia, I argue that this chauvinistic, zero-sum practice is underpinned by a three-phase cycle that is being precipitated by the emotive effects of ethnoreligious nationalism; hostile predispositions to securitize other ethnoreligious categories; and perceived indivisibility of sacred ethnoreligious homelands.9992019-07-25T17:54:42.626ZManuscript_Imagined Insecurities.pdf358837application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d36df646e08080019ddf8c2/original/imagined-insecurities-in-imagined-communities-manufacturing-the-ethnoreligious-others-as-security-threats.pdf["orcid:0000-0003-1093-0933"]["5ce663395846762193c9c424"]00APSA—992Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-n8ohshttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-n8ohshttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d36df646e08080019ddf8c2—[{"funderId":"10.13039/100010661","grantNumber":"793262","name":"Horizon 2020 Framework Programme","url":null}]——true[]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-07-25T17:54:42.634ZPUBLISHED2019-07-25T17:54:42.634Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-07-23T10:43:10.784Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d36df646e08080019ddf8c2/mediumThumb/imagined-insecurities-in-imagined-communities-manufacturing-the-ethnoreligious-others-as-security-threats.jpgImagined Insecurities in Imagined Communities: Manufacturing the Ethnoreligious ‘Others’ as Security Threats 1{"url":"https://doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa038","vorDoi":"10.1093/isq/sqaa038"}[{"description":"European Commission H2020-EU.1.3.2. - Nurturing excellence by means of cross-border and cross-sector mobility\n\nMSCA-IF-2017 - Individual Fellowships\nMSCA-IF-EF-ST - Standard EF\nGrant agreement ID: 793262","title":"The Divine Tragedy of Securing the Sacred: Religion, Security and Nationalism in Southeast Asia","url":"https://cordis.europa.eu/project/rcn/215142/factsheet/en"}]
5d36e646c70ebf0019d09aa5Virtually all corners of the world have, at one point in history, experienced episodes of ethnoreligious conflicts. For many sovereign states today, however, intense clashes between competing ethnoreligious groups continue. This paper examines how ethnoreligious conflicts rise and remain entrenched over long periods of time. Although the current literature provides significant insights about the multiple factors that give rise to these conflicts and to what extent, what is mostly missing are explanations about the dynamics and processes in which these causes are crystallized and animated. Hence, in this paper, I develop and test a framework that identifies and explains the three key stages through which overlapping rationalist, non-rationalist, and instrumentalist causes develop into lasting ethnoreligious conflicts: cultivating ethnoreligious nationalism; securitizing the ethnoreligious others; and sacralizing territorial-cultural identities. The framework enables a more holistic appreciation of the contexts, actors, and motives underpinning these events in multiethnic and multireligious territorial communities.9752019-07-25T17:41:48.539ZManuscript_Theorizing Ethnoreligious Conflicts.pdf365483application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d36e646c70ebf0019d09aa5/original/theorizing-how-ethnoreligious-conflicts-rise-and-remain.pdf["orcid:0000-0003-1093-0933"]["5ce663395846762193c9c424"]00APSA—322Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-6effhhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-6effhhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d36e646c70ebf0019d09aa5—[{"funderId":"","grantNumber":" 793262","name":"Horizon 2020 Framework Programme ","url":null}]——true[]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-07-25T17:41:48.548ZPUBLISHED2019-07-25T17:41:48.548Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-07-23T10:52:08.600Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d36e646c70ebf0019d09aa5/mediumThumb/theorizing-how-ethnoreligious-conflicts-rise-and-remain.jpgTheorizing How Ethnoreligious Conflicts Rise and Remain1—[{"description":"H2020-EU.1.3.2. - Nurturing excellence by means of cross-border and cross-sector mobility\n\nSeReNa-SEA\nGrant agreement ID: 793262\n\nMSCA-IF-2017 - Individual Fellowships\n\nMSCA-IF-EF-ST - Standard EF","title":" The Divine Tragedy of Securing the Sacred: Religion, Security and Nationalism in Southeast Asia","url":"https://cordis.europa.eu/project/rcn/215142/factsheet/en"}]
5d6702675fe9ec001960675fCongressional lobbying by education-related interest groups is an understudied subject in education research. This research brief uses Congressional lobbying expenditure data from 1998 to 2017 to examine trends in lobbying behavior by labor unions, K-12 education providers, and public, private non-profit, and for-profit higher education institutions. Education interest groups have spent in excess of $2 billion lobbying Congress since 1998. Higher education institutions represent a disproportionate share of lobbying activity and expenditures, accounting for almost 70 percent of education-focused interest groups and around 80 percent of education-related lobbying expenditures. Lobbying expenditures steadily rose until 2011 before rapidly declining. The brief speculates as to the possible reasons for these trends and concludes with a call for greater research on lobbying for education.15612019-08-30T11:12:06.543ZWorking Paper_Lobbying Trends_Marsicano and Brooks.pdf514052application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d6702675fe9ec001960675f/original/professor-smith-goes-to-washington-educational-interest-group-lobbying-1998-2017.pdf["orcid:0000-0001-5855-2949","name:christopher brooks"]["5ce663395846762193c9c422"]00APSA—563Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-hxn00https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-hxn00https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d6702675fe9ec001960675f—[]——true["Higher Education","Education Policy","Lobbying and Interest Groups"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-08-30T11:12:06.555ZPUBLISHED2019-08-30T11:12:06.555Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-08-30T04:00:00.669Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d6702675fe9ec001960675f/mediumThumb/professor-smith-goes-to-washington-educational-interest-group-lobbying-1998-2017.jpgProfessor Smith goes to Washington: Educational Interest Group Lobbying, 1998 - 2017 1{"url":"https://doi.org/10.3102%2F0013189X20921845","vorDoi":"10.3102/0013189X20921845"}[]
5d67d7825fe9ec0019606764The relationship a president has with the heads of his departments is a defining characteristic of a presidency. Policy entrepreneurs require presidential support and political capital to increase the chances of policy success. This paper argues that Donald J. Trump has established a contractor presidency that is encumbered by a number of scenarios originally identified in Laffin’s (1996) study of the policy failures of George H.W. Bush’s administration. This investigation begins by first presenting the contractor model as a possible presidential strategy, and then establishes that Trump has embraced the contractor presidency as his approach towards foreign policy. We then identify alternate scenarios for a failed contractor presidency and consider whether these explanations apply to Trump’s version. We find that two of the five scenarios apply to Trump’s unsuccessful foreign policy: lack of support for his appointed officials and the appointment of inexperienced loyalists.12612019-08-29T17:55:31.017ZThe Failure of Foreign Policy Entrepreneurs in the Trump Administration (APSA Preprints).pdf296456application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d67d7825fe9ec0019606764/original/the-failure-of-foreign-policy-entrepreneurs-in-the-trump-administration.pdf["name:roberta haar","orcid:0000-0003-0451-7835"]["5ce663395846762193c9c424"]00APSA—669Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-r159whttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-r159whttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d67d7825fe9ec0019606764—[]——true["contractor presidency","foreign policy","policy entrepreneurs","Donald J. Trump","Jim Mattis","H. R. McMaster","John F. Kelly"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-08-29T17:55:31.029ZPUBLISHED2019-08-29T17:55:31.030Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-08-29T14:40:16.017Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d67d7825fe9ec0019606764/mediumThumb/the-failure-of-foreign-policy-entrepreneurs-in-the-trump-administration.jpgThe Failure of Foreign Policy Entrepreneurs in the Trump Administration1{"url":"https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12399","vorDoi":"10.1111/polp.12399"}[]
5d67db3f74958f00198216c9Automatic Voter Registration (AVR) systems register to vote all eligible individuals who transact with proscribed government agencies, most commonly the Department of Motor Vehicles (DMVs). Many individuals interact with the DMV due to the need to renew their drivers’ licenses. Because licenses expire on birthdays, an individual’s birth date can be used as an exogenous reason why some individuals are registered to vote in time for an election, whereas others are not. Our analysis compares registration and voting rates for individuals with birth dates prior and subsequent to the voter registration deadline. After calculating a causal effect of AVR on turnout at the individual level, we extrapolate this effect to the overall effect of AVR on total voter turnout by state.10442019-08-29T20:42:27.795ZFinal_APSA_SeljanGronkeYancheff.pdf710862application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d67db3f74958f00198216c9/original/happy-birthday-you-get-to-vote.pdf["name:ellen seljan","orcid:0000-0002-5189-6148"]["5ce663395846762193c9c422"]00APSA—292Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-k8t16https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-k8t16https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d67db3f74958f00198216c9—[]——true["election administration"," registration"," voter registration"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-08-29T20:42:27.808ZPUBLISHED2019-08-29T20:42:27.808Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-08-29T14:11:19.869Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d67db3f74958f00198216c9/mediumThumb/happy-birthday-you-get-to-vote.jpgHappy Birthday, You Get To Vote1{"url":"https://doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2023.5","vorDoi":"10.1017/psrm.2023.5"}[{"description":"Blog summarizing the paper with a live link","title":"EarlyVoting Blog and Paper Summary","url":"https://blogs.reed.edu/earlyvoting/research/happy-birthday-you-get-to-vote/"}]
5d6ab79f74958f00198216d9The aim of our paper is two-fold. First, it wants to contribute to the growing literature on the role of emotions in international relations by exploring how emotions are fundamental to ontological security. We explore the extent to which love and fear are part of the practices and routines that give the EU and Russia ontological security and shape how they relate to each other. Emotions, we will argue, are not just what we feel but also what we do to make sense of the world and to transmit to others how we understand it. Second, we argue that the narratives at the heart of the conceptual and normative maps that guide their actions and behaviour create a sort of (ontological) security dilemma; that is, behaviour aimed primarily at enhancing confidence in the identity and continuity of a political community raises alarms for the ontological security of other actors. 17532019-09-03T15:10:27.533ZLove and Fear IPPA June 11.pdf164096application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d6ab79f74958f00198216d9/original/love-and-fear-in-the-neighbourhood-emotions-and-ontological-security-in-foreign-policy-analysis.pdf["name:vincent della sala","name:viktoria akchurina"]["5ce663395846762193c9c424"]21APSA—1121Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-dzv4jhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-dzv4jhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d6ab79f74958f00198216d9—[]——true[]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-09-03T15:10:27.544ZPUBLISHED2019-09-03T15:10:27.544Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-08-31T18:20:15.413Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d6ab79f74958f00198216d9/mediumThumb/love-and-fear-in-the-neighbourhood-emotions-and-ontological-security-in-foreign-policy-analysis.jpgLove and Fear in the Neighbourhood: Emotions and Ontological Security in Foreign Policy Analysis1—[]
5d75773ce3ac4400123825eeThis article explores whether and how internationalized prosecution contributes to the reduction of criminal violence. Internationalized prosecution is a strategy of cooperation between international organizations and domestic institutions to investigate and prosecute state security agents and criminals who collude to dominate illicit markets. We focus on the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG), a UN-backed institution in which international investigators collaborated with Guatemala’s public prosecutors and the police to dismantle criminal structures that emerged during the country’s civil war. Results from a Synthetic Control Model show that had Guatemala not adopted the CICIG in 2008, the country’s homicide rate would have doubled in 2016. Substantively, the CICIG contributed to prevent over 18,000 murders. We argue that the training and protection the CICIG provided to Guatemalan prosecutors empowered them to reduce murder rates by preventing murder-for-hire operations, reducing criminal competition, deterring state-criminal collusion, restricting iron-fist policies, and discouraging private violence.20562019-09-09T14:41:55.040ZTrejo & NietoMatiz - CICIG and criminal violence.pdf874089application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d75773ce3ac4400123825ee/original/containing-large-scale-criminal-violence-through-internationalized-prosecution-how-the-cicig-contributed-to-the-reduction-of-guatemala-s-murder-rate.pdf["name:guillermo trejo","orcid:0000-0002-1917-003X"]["5ce663395846762193c9c423"]10APSA—813Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-crqt0https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-crqt0https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d75773ce3ac4400123825ee—[{"funderId":"10.13039/100013312","grantNumber":"","name":"Kellogg Institute for International Studies, University of Notre Dame","url":null}]——true["Internationalized prosecution","criminal violence","corruption","Guatemala","CICIG"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef232019-09-09T14:41:55.088ZPUBLISHED2019-09-09T14:41:55.088Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-09-08T21:54:03.215Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d75773ce3ac4400123825ee/mediumThumb/containing-large-scale-criminal-violence-through-internationalized-prosecution-how-the-cicig-contributed-to-the-reduction-of-guatemala-s-murder-rate.jpgContaining Large-Scale Criminal Violence through Internationalized Prosecution: How the CICIG Contributed to the Reduction of Guatemala's Murder Rate1—[]
5d77e773e3ac4400123825efThe paper sets out three models of the influence of populist attitudes on voting 1.The sole reason for voting for populist parties. 2. A major influence competing with other influences. 3. No significant influence because widely diffused in the electorate. The lower the percentage holding an attitude, e.g. extreme right or left wing ideology, the fewer votes it can affect. . The more widespread, e.g. concern with immigration, the more widely diffused among all parties. It distinguishes populist parties from a larger universe of Outsider parties never responsible for government and seeking support on personal, ethnic and environmental grounds. The impact of populist parties on government depends not on their size but whether the seats they win in Parliament are critical for forming a government coalition and whether mainstream parties treat them as pariahs or partners.8212019-09-12T19:07:17.933ZEPOP presentation2019.pdf605538application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d77e773e3ac4400123825ef/original/popular-attitudes-populist-attitudes-populist-party-votes-a-comparatve-european-analysis.pdf["name:richard rose"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42f"]00APSA—288Presentation5ce663395846762193c9c43210.33774/apsa-2019-z0l2mhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-z0l2mhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d77e773e3ac4400123825ef—[]——true[]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef252019-09-12T19:07:17.947ZPUBLISHED2019-09-12T19:07:17.947Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-09-10T18:35:55.209Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d77e773e3ac4400123825ef/mediumThumb/popular-attitudes-populist-attitudes-populist-party-votes-a-comparatve-european-analysis.jpgPopular Attitudes, Populist Attitudes & Populist Party Votes: A Comparatve European Analysis1—[]
5d77ed1f2f41c7001256af04The dynamic of Insider parties that circulate in and out of government and Outsider parties can take four forms: a stable equilibrium, selective integration, a democratic cartel or transformation. Hypotheses are presented about the conditions in which each forms and may transit from one form to another. The models are illustrated with reference to national party systems. This is the first draft of a major long-term project6172019-09-12T19:07:34.787ZInOutEUIpretalk.pdf353711application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d77ed1f2f41c7001256af04/original/how-insider-parties-interact-with-outsider-parties-a-dynamic-model-of-european-party-systems.pdf["orcid:0000-0002-6603-1067"]["5ce663395846762193c9c423"]00APSA—232Presentation5ce663395846762193c9c43210.33774/apsa-2019-6txvghttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-6txvghttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d77ed1f2f41c7001256af04—[]——true[]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef252019-09-12T19:07:34.802ZPUBLISHED2019-09-12T19:07:34.802Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-09-10T18:57:11.655Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d77ed1f2f41c7001256af04/mediumThumb/how-insider-parties-interact-with-outsider-parties-a-dynamic-model-of-european-party-systems.jpgHow Insider Parties Interact with Outsider Parties: A Dynamic Model of European Party Systems1—[]
5d7bf6a993d9fe0012e1a1a1We argue that experts are more hawkish the closer they are to power, both figuratively and literally, and show this through the first study to use survey methods to inquire into the foreign policy preferences of think tank analysts and fellows (think tank employees, or TTEs) relative to professors who are experts in international relations. We find that TTEs are 0.47 standard deviations more hawkish than professors as calculated based on a standard survey measuring militant internationalism (MI). Controlling for self-described ideology mitigates this effect although it remains statistically significant. Among professors, those who have worked for the federal government are higher on MI, as are TTEs located closer to Capitol Hill. Differing levels of regional expertise generally cannot explain these differences, except perhaps in the case of Iran. 17802019-09-16T17:52:15.575ZThankTanks.8.19.19.pdf7165252application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7bf6a993d9fe0012e1a1a1/original/what-do-think-tanks-think-proximity-to-power-and-foreign-policy-preferences.pdf["name:richard hanania","name:max abrahms"]["5ce663395846762193c9c424"]00APSA—633Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-cghmchttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-cghmchttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d7bf6a993d9fe0012e1a1a1—[]——true["think tanks","elites","international relations","public opinion","foreign policy"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef232019-09-16T17:52:15.590ZPUBLISHED2019-09-16T17:52:15.590Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-09-13T20:15:14.506Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7bf6a993d9fe0012e1a1a1/mediumThumb/what-do-think-tanks-think-proximity-to-power-and-foreign-policy-preferences.jpgWhat Do Think Tanks Think? Proximity to Power and Foreign Policy Preferences1{"url":"https://doi.org/10.1093/fpa/orac031","vorDoi":"10.1093/fpa/orac031"}[]
5d7bf6c0d0706700120e0523This paper explores the implications of a project called “Beatlab,” a digital music studio that was created at Chestnut Hill College as a gathering place to craft music (beats) and write personal reflections (rhymes). I document how Beatlab emerged as a safe space for expression and self-exploration and in turn, became a hub for conversation around complex political issues for the College and beyond.8222019-09-17T14:57:28.827ZCarroll 2019 Beatlab How a Hip-Hop Digital Space.pdf686285application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7bf6c0d0706700120e0523/original/beatlab-how-a-hip-hop-digital-space-became-an-outlet-for-political-dialogue.pdf["orcid:0000-0003-4125-048X"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42a"]00APSA—442Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-n3wnxhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-n3wnxhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d7bf6c0d0706700120e0523—[{"funderId":"","grantNumber":"","name":"Maguire Foundation","url":null}]——true[]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-09-17T14:57:28.838ZPUBLISHED2019-09-17T14:57:28.838Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-09-13T20:12:27.421Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7bf6c0d0706700120e0523/mediumThumb/beatlab-how-a-hip-hop-digital-space-became-an-outlet-for-political-dialogue.jpgBeatlab: How a Hip-Hop Digital Space Became an Outlet for Political Dialogue1—[]
5d7bf79cf5751a001222596eThe purpose of the paper is to understand how President Trump has used the presidential signing statement by comparing his first two years with the first two years of the Reagan-Obama presidencies, and then look at any emerging trends in the signing statements he has issued.8662019-09-16T18:01:28.324ZKelleyPaper.pdf314597application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7bf79cf5751a001222596e/original/president-trump-and-the-presidential-signing-statement-a-first-look.pdf["orcid:0000-0003-1910-5120"]["5ce663395846762193c9c422"]00APSA—326Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-38x34https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-38x34https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d7bf79cf5751a001222596e—[]——true["Presidency","Signing Statements","Unitary Executive"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef242019-09-16T18:01:28.336ZPUBLISHED2019-09-16T18:01:28.336Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-09-13T20:22:59.361Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7bf79cf5751a001222596e/mediumThumb/president-trump-and-the-presidential-signing-statement-a-first-look.jpgPresident Trump and the Presidential Signing Statement: A First Look1—[]
5d7bf7ebd0706700120e0524The military institution enjoys consistently high levels of public confidence, making it one of the most respected entities in American society. However, this aggregate trend conceals an underlying polarization among partisans, who arrive at different conclusions over the institutional quality of the military. What explains the divide? This analysis argues a partisan bias resulting from (1) exposure to different information about the military and (2) different cognitive biases in using that information to render an opinion on institutional quality. Using observational data on news media reporting patterns and original text-as-data processed through unsupervised machine learning techniques, I find that partisans during a key phase of the Iraq War were exposed to widely different types information on military performance. Furthermore, I find through original survey experimentation that when presented with information on negative performance by the military, partisans adopt very different sensibilities in how that information is used to evaluate it. 17572019-09-17T13:21:31.902ZWho_Follows_The_Generals___APSA_2019.pdf1069662application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7bf7ebd0706700120e0524/original/who-follows-the-generals-polarization-in-institutional-confidence-in-the-military.pdf["orcid:0000-0002-4558-9520"]["5ce663395846762193c9c424"]00APSA—949Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-vsmfnhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-vsmfnhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d7bf7ebd0706700120e0524—[]——true["civil-military relations","public opinion","machine learning","media","national security","trust in institutions","foreign policy","partisan polarization"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-09-17T13:21:31.918ZPUBLISHED2019-09-17T13:21:31.918Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-09-13T20:35:46.954Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7bf7ebd0706700120e0524/mediumThumb/who-follows-the-generals-polarization-in-institutional-confidence-in-the-military.jpgWho Follows the Generals? Polarization in Institutional Confidence in the Military1—[]
5d7c0b8ed0706700120e052dWe ask how well did the commissions used in the 2010 round of redistricting for states with three of more congressional districts perform in avoiding partisan gerrymanders of congressional districts? We answer that question with applications to each of the three independent commissions (AZ, CA, and WA) and four other commission forms (IA, NJ, NY, and VA) in place for post-2010. We take as the neutrality criterion the idea that a commission would produce a district plan that comports with a partisan outcome that could be expected from a set of approximately 10,000 computer generated plans adhering to minimalist constraints of contiguity, compactness, and equal populations. Our results indicate three of seven commissions produced suspect results that redounded to the benefit of one party or the other: pro-Democrat in Arizona; pro-Republican in New Jersey and Virginia.15462019-09-17T13:34:30.001ZBest et al_Do Redistricting Commissions Aug 22.pdf1423004application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7c0b8ed0706700120e052d/original/do-redistricting-commissions-avoid-partisan-gerrymanders.pdf["name:robin best","name:steve lem","name:daniel magleby","name:michael mcdonald"]["5ce663395846762193c9c422"]00APSA—2191Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-xgt3phttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-xgt3phttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d7c0b8ed0706700120e052d—[]——true["gerrymander"," redistricting commission"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef232019-09-17T13:34:30.018ZPUBLISHED2019-09-17T13:34:30.018Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-09-13T21:49:40.157Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7c0b8ed0706700120e052d/mediumThumb/do-redistricting-commissions-avoid-partisan-gerrymanders.jpgDo Redistricting Commissions Avoid Partisan Gerrymanders?1{"url":"https://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673X211053216","vorDoi":"10.1177/1532673X211053216"}[]
5d7c30f92f41c7001256af1dMost recent research on legal establishment of torture through informal institu- tions has concentrated on its appearance as a national policy. What has not been as extensively examined, however: is the use of torture, again justified by informal in- stitutions, to domestic law enforcement agencies. This paper will present a beginning study of this phenomena. I will suggest a model for how informal institutions allowing the appearance of torture can become established and an hypothesis derived from it. I will then use process tracing to analyze the development of torture within the Chicago Police Department and a counterfactual case, the absence of tortuous interrogations in the Boston Police Department. Together, these cases provide a preliminary test of the model. I will conclude with a discussion of what has been learned and some speculations on how the use of torture by domestic law enforcement agencies might be prevented.7022019-09-17T13:47:51.078ZAPSA Paper 22 Jul 19 .pdf929480application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7c30f92f41c7001256af1d/original/the-metastasis-of-torture-how-torture-develops-in-law-enforcement-agencies-in-democracies.pdf["name:tracy lightcap"]["5ce663395846762193c9c423"]00APSA—497Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-ptq7khttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-ptq7khttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d7c30f92f41c7001256af1d—[]——true["Torture"," informal institutions"," democracy"," police/order agencies"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef252019-09-17T13:47:51.091ZPUBLISHED2019-09-17T13:47:51.091Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-09-14T00:24:39.966Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7c30f92f41c7001256af1d/mediumThumb/the-metastasis-of-torture-how-torture-develops-in-law-enforcement-agencies-in-democracies.jpgThe Metastasis of Torture: How Torture Develops In Law Enforcement Agencies In Democracies 1—[]
5d7c66f02f41c7001256af20This paper examines the origins, influence, and challenges of the climate movement’s shift to focus on blocking new fossil fuel infrastructure. It addresses four core research questions: (1) How effective has the strategy of place-based resistance to fossil fuel development been at promoting climate action and the reduction of global warming emissions? (2) Does the strategy risk the unintended consequence of feeding place-based resistance to the clean energy transformation? (3) Is there hope in more innovative processes of regulatory review and facility siting that can promote social acceptance of the rapid transition to the clean energy system but avoid the confrontational politics that have characterized fossil fuel resistance? (4) If innovative approaches have been demonstrated to reduce conflict, why are they so rarely used? This paper will use process tracing, government documents, and personal interviews to address these questions. 12782019-09-17T15:23:11.988ZHoberg APSA 2019 paper.pdf537805application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7c66f02f41c7001256af20/original/how-the-battles-over-oil-sands-pipelines-have-transformed-climate-politics.pdf["name:george hoberg"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42c"]00APSA—831Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-m4zgghttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-m4zgghttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d7c66f02f41c7001256af20—[]——true["climate policy","energy policy"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-09-17T15:23:12.000ZPUBLISHED2019-09-17T15:23:12.000Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-09-14T04:13:19.851Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7c66f02f41c7001256af20/mediumThumb/how-the-battles-over-oil-sands-pipelines-have-transformed-climate-politics.jpgHow the Battles over Oil Sands Pipelines have Transformed Climate Politics1—[]
5d7c731993d9fe0012e1a1baThis study focuses on the impact of the rule of law on FDI attraction in Chinese cities from 2013 to 2017. I divide nomocracy into four aspects and measure their different effects on FDI inflows. Furthermore, I present credible evidence that economic backgrounds influence the rule of law's marginal effects. My research will provide reasonable conclusions that rule of law, both general measurements, and its sub-indicators, has a significant influence on FDI inflows. In addition, their impacts are conditional on the cities’ performance in economic development.13682019-09-17T15:26:24.372ZChengyu Fu - APSA.pdf1290879application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7c731993d9fe0012e1a1ba/original/how-does-the-rule-of-law-impact-the-fdi-attraction-a-panel-study-on-chinese-municipal-governments-2013-2017.pdf["orcid:0000-0003-2707-2832"]["5ce663395846762193c9c423"]00APSA—515Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-1470phttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-1470phttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d7c731993d9fe0012e1a1ba—[]——true["rule of law","FDI"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef242019-09-17T15:26:24.383ZPUBLISHED2019-09-17T15:26:24.383Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-09-14T05:20:47.747Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7c731993d9fe0012e1a1ba/mediumThumb/how-does-the-rule-of-law-impact-the-fdi-attraction-a-panel-study-on-chinese-municipal-governments-2013-2017.jpgHow Does the Rule of Law Impact the FDI Attraction? A Panel Study on Chinese Municipal Governments (2013-2017)1—[]
5d7d84c82f41c7001256af21How have interest group populations in the fifty states changed in the 21st Century so far, and have factors like population growth, changing state ideology, economic performance, legislative professionalism, personal wealth, and shocks like the Great Recession shaped these changes? Using new data on state interest groups originally gathered by the National Institute for Money in State Politics, which I cleaned and introduced at last year, combined with several other measures of state politics, economic performance, and demographic change, I study these questions. With data covering the years 2006 to 2015 allowing for cross-state, as well as time-series, analysis, I explore the extent to which change in economic, political, and social variables lead to changes in state interest group systems, some of which replicates Gray and Lowery’s work. Their work holds-up well in the replications, but new extensions are also explored, including a new “capacity” term for the ESA model.10382019-09-17T15:27:05.363ZHolyoke_Paper_APSA_2019.pdf636988application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7d84c82f41c7001256af21/original/exploring-changes-in-state-interest-group-systems-replications-and-extensions-of-the-esa-model.pdf["orcid:0000-0001-8763-9525"]["5ce663395846762193c9c422"]00APSA—480Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-v7qkjhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-v7qkjhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d7d84c82f41c7001256af21—[]——true["interest groups","lobbying","state politics","advocacy"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-09-17T15:27:05.379ZPUBLISHED2019-09-17T15:27:05.379Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-09-15T00:32:34.269Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7d84c82f41c7001256af21/mediumThumb/exploring-changes-in-state-interest-group-systems-replications-and-extensions-of-the-esa-model.jpgExploring Changes in State Interest Group Systems: Replications and Extensions of the ESA Model 1—[{"description":"Personal and professional website","title":"Thomas Holyoke's website","url":"thomasholyoke.com"}]
5d7dd96d93d9fe0012e1a1bdThis paper is about situations in which people actively refuse to make representative claims or refute their own representativeness. While they may seem to constitute a minor and borderline case in the study of political representation, taking these claims seriously may help us understand some quite common political interactions that we may not be fully equipped to deal with. Yet among these interactions, some can be said to gain prominence these days, especially when it comes to social movements, and much of my interest for this question was prompted by the French Yellow Vest movement and the difficulties in interpreting it. More importantly, these claims articulate representation and power in a way that seems at odds with how we intuitively think their relation, making them potentially of some interest for our understanding of representation.11042019-09-17T15:41:55.738ZHayat APSA Unrepresentative claims 29 08 19.pdf314635application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7dd96d93d9fe0012e1a1bd/original/unrepresentative-claims-refusing-to-represent-as-a-source-of-power-and-legitimacy.pdf["orcid:0000-0002-9422-3939"]["5ce663395846762193c9c426"]00APSA—551Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-5tf1khttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-5tf1khttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d7dd96d93d9fe0012e1a1bd—[]——true["Representation","Gilets Jaunes","Yellow Vests","Constructivism"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-09-17T15:41:55.753ZPUBLISHED2019-09-17T15:41:55.753Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-09-17T15:21:52.796Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7dd96d93d9fe0012e1a1bd/mediumThumb/unrepresentative-claims-refusing-to-represent-as-a-source-of-power-and-legitimacy.jpgUnrepresentative claims: Refusing to represent as a source of power and legitimacy1—[]
5d7e4facf5751a001222598eIs there a particular set of rights that can be regarded as “populist” in the same sense that we speak about liberal democratic rights and, if so, what are these rights and how do they relate to populism? There is a long list of arguments against any notion of populist rightsThe purpose of the paper is to discuss a theoretical framework for the conceptualisation of populist rights. In doing so, I argue that (democratic) populism can be associated to a notion of rights normatively centred in the exercise of sovereignty and empirically centred in the denunciation of asymmetries of power embedded in liberal democratic institutions. I conclude that populism’s antagonistic divide between the people and its Other presents significant challenges to notions of democratic populist rights that, in order to be truly democratic, would require the incorporation of some notion of citizenship to populism’s people – centred appeal. 10052019-09-17T15:32:50.661ZPanizza APSA 19.pdf707214application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7e4facf5751a001222598e/original/towards-a-conceptualization-of-populist-rights.pdf["orcid:0000-0002-3755-9209"]["5ce663395846762193c9c426"]00APSA—383Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-28w9xhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-28w9xhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d7e4facf5751a001222598e—[]——true["populism","populist rights","sovereignty","assymmetries of power","citizenship"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-09-17T15:32:50.682ZPUBLISHED2019-09-17T15:32:50.682Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-09-15T14:58:22.552Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7e4facf5751a001222598e/mediumThumb/towards-a-conceptualization-of-populist-rights.jpgTowards a Conceptualization of Populist Rights1—[]
5d7e8f3bd0706700120e0540In this paper, I draw upon a theoretical framework informed by institutional isomorphism (DiMaggio & Powell, 1983) to analyze the grantmaking practices of traditional and strategic philanthropies, with particular attention to areas of increasing convergence such as the utilization of measurable outcomes and metrics. Drawing on interviews with foundation officers and grant information from Foundation Directory Online, I find that while differences remain between traditional and strategic philanthropies, a new “hybrid philanthropy” model is emerging that blends outcomes-oriented and field-oriented approaches to grantmaking. I also find that the homogenization of practices across foundations and the influence of larger policy trends focused on data-driven decisionmaking may be leading foundations to exercise what might be termed “high stakes grantmaking.” To the extent that this might conflict with what is good for students and communities, and the goals of democratic decision making in education policy more broadly, additional research is needed.10142019-09-17T13:29:44.126ZSands_APSA 2019_Final.pdf286907application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7e8f3bd0706700120e0540/original/institutional-isomorphism-the-rise-of-a-hybrid-model-in-education-philanthropy.pdf["orcid:0000-0003-4831-4116"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42c"]00APSA—687Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-0b2dlhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-0b2dlhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d7e8f3bd0706700120e0540—[]——true["civil society","philanthropy","education politics","public policy","public-private mix"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-09-17T13:29:44.142ZPUBLISHED2019-09-17T13:29:44.142Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-09-15T19:45:44.773Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7e8f3bd0706700120e0540/mediumThumb/institutional-isomorphism-the-rise-of-a-hybrid-model-in-education-philanthropy.jpgInstitutional Isomorphism & the Rise of a Hybrid Model in Education Philanthropy1—[]
5d7efe70f895ab0012b96216This paper employs a three-step analytical framework to examine the prospects of U.S.-China-Taiwan relations under Trump, Xi, and Tsai. By identifying the “first move” by Taiwan (changing national identity and quest for recognition because of democratization), the “second move” by China (more forceful policy), and the “third move” by the U.S. (to restore the “status quo”), this framework has successfully explained this triangular relationship from 1996-2016. However, with the rise of populist leader such as Trump and Xi, either could make the first move, with the other making the second move, new uncertainty is introduced that previous policy may be ill-suited to dealt with. This paper engages on certain policy adjustments. 14082019-09-18T20:08:29.814Z2019APSA_paper for apsa preprints.pdf312825application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7efe70f895ab0012b96216/original/nationalism-alliances-and-geopolitics-us-china-taiwan-ties-under-trump-and-xi.pdf["orcid:0000-0003-1620-9418"]["5ce663395846762193c9c424"]00APSA—1329Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-8jvq8https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-8jvq8https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d7efe70f895ab0012b96216—[]——true["Taiwan","China","the United States","foreign policy"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-09-18T20:08:29.829ZPUBLISHED2019-09-18T20:08:29.829Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-09-18T19:52:08.463Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7efe70f895ab0012b96216/mediumThumb/nationalism-alliances-and-geopolitics-us-china-taiwan-ties-under-trump-and-xi.jpgNationalism, Alliances, and Geopolitics: US-China-Taiwan Ties under Trump and Xi1—[]
5d7f0a9093d9fe0012e1a1c2There are four standard normative defenses for majority rule on two alternatives: fairness (i.e., May's theorem), epistemic (i.e., Condorcet's jury theorem), utilitarian (i.e., Rae-Taylor theorem), and contractarian (i.e., maximization of the number of self-determined voters). There are many ways to generalize majority rule to multiple alternatives, but the standard generalization is majority preference (i.e., Condorcet method). Unfortunately, these arguments fail to generalize to multiple alternatives due to Condorcet's paradox. In this paper, I generalize each of those four defenses to multiple alternatives using the consent of the majority generalization (e.g., approval voting) of majority rule. For example, I show that among Arrovian voting systems, an Arrovian version of approval voting is the voting system with the least restrictive domain which satisfies May's theorem's four conditions, and independence of irrelevant alternatives. The findings suggest that we should normatively and formally explore multiple interpretations of majority rule, beyond majority preference. 19222019-09-17T15:35:51.122ZSSRN-id3239621.pdf567880application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7f0a9093d9fe0012e1a1c2/original/a-re-interpretation-of-the-normative-foundations-of-majority-rule.pdf["orcid:0000-0003-4558-8605"]["5ce663395846762193c9c426"]01APSA—357Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-rv916https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-rv916https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d7f0a9093d9fe0012e1a1c2—[]——true["majority rule"," May's theorem"," Condorcet's jury theorem"," Rae-Taylor theorem"," Condorcet method"," Condorcet's paradox"," social welfare function"," Arrow's theorem"," approval voting"," unrestricted domain"," decisiveness"," non-dictatorship"," anonymity"," neutrality"," non-imposition"," positive responsiveness"," monotonicity"," majority preference"," consent of the majority"," majority consent ","Rousseau","Locke","Rawls","Condorcet","contractarian","social contract"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-09-17T15:35:51.132ZPUBLISHED2019-09-17T15:35:51.132Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-09-16T04:31:16.540Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7f0a9093d9fe0012e1a1c2/mediumThumb/a-re-interpretation-of-the-normative-foundations-of-majority-rule.jpgA Re-Interpretation of the Normative Foundations of Majority Rule1—[]
5d7f5e10f895ab0012b96218As contemporary Americans grapple with divided politics, mistreatment of displaced people, and, in particular, the challenges posed by gun violence, The Grapes of Wrath -- one of the most widely read and burned books in the U.S. -- provides a vital political text. Contemporary gun narratives claim that armed citizens thwart tyrannical government and injustice. Yet Steinbeck tells a very different story about individual gun ownership. Despite almost universal ownership of guns among male farmers, guns are rendered impotent and irrelevant for protest. Instead, guns are the instruments of power that sustain corporate agriculture by intimidating workers, discouraging unionization, and enforcing laws that limit the movement, health, survival, and dignity of the dispossessed migrants. In the context of corporate agriculture and large-scale property ownership, privately and publicly deployed guns erode the legitimacy of the police, rule of law, and government -- triggering collective rebellion.8892019-09-17T14:24:07.881ZLiebell Ghost of Tom Joad APSA 2019.pdf259029application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7f5e10f895ab0012b96218/original/the-ghost-of-tom-joad-property-guns-and-the-law.pdf["orcid:0000-0001-5601-2404"]["5ce663395846762193c9c426"]00APSA—308Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-2p5f2https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-2p5f2https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d7f5e10f895ab0012b96218—[]——true["Guns","Locke"," Steinbeck","Second Amendment","Protest"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-09-17T14:24:07.893ZPUBLISHED2019-09-17T14:24:07.893Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-09-16T10:24:53.110Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7f5e10f895ab0012b96218/mediumThumb/the-ghost-of-tom-joad-property-guns-and-the-law.jpgThe Ghost of Tom Joad: Property, Guns, and the Law1—[]
5d7f6216d0706700120e0546This paper will present an approach to redesigning a first year Politics module with a focus on integrating study and research skills. The prior module will be presented along with the rationale for the module redesign. Key skill and learning outcomes will be discussed, with an emphasis on realignment of the assessment regime to a mixed approach to improve the transition to university teaching. Active learning pedagogy incorporated into the redesigned module will be presented, including the use of interactive personal response systems in lectures as well as student generated research topics. Seminar structure will be discussed, noting the linking of seminar tasks to lectures and the use of student portfolios to master key study skills. Finally, student feedback regarding their first experience of the module redesign will be presented, as well as the feedback of the assessment results, to gain insight into the implications of the module redesign. 7592019-09-17T13:55:00.998ZIntegrating Study Skills in First Year Politics Modules.pdf283063application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7f6216d0706700120e0546/original/integrating-study-skills-in-first-year-politics-modules-a-case-study.pdf["name:judith murray"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42a"]00APSA—274Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-wq997https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-wq997https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d7f6216d0706700120e0546—[]——true["Study skills","transition to university","module design","active learning","first year students"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef252019-09-17T13:55:01.012ZPUBLISHED2019-09-17T13:55:01.012Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-09-16T10:47:30.640Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7f6216d0706700120e0546/mediumThumb/integrating-study-skills-in-first-year-politics-modules-a-case-study.jpgIntegrating Study Skills in First Year Politics Modules: A Case Study1—[]
5d7faeeae3ac440012382611Why do ordinary individuals participate in political campaigns involving mass looting, killings, and enslavement against members of another religious group? This paper argues that religious justifications of violence have a stronger appeal when they target liminal minorities whose beliefs and norms remain illegible in the eyes of a majority religion. It then formulates a series of alternative hypotheses about the role of greed, threat, resentment, and guilt in the motives of perpetrators and uses the self-styled Islamic State (IS) campaign against Yezidis in 2014 as a case study to test these hypotheses . Empirical evidence comes from extensive fieldwork including dozens of in-depth interviews with Yezidi survivors and others in Iraqi Kurdistan. The analysis reveals that religious beliefs were necessary both for making extreme levels of violence permissible and for mobilizing local population to participate in the atrocities.10922019-09-18T14:40:43.911ZTezcurAPSA2019.pdf316304application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7faeeae3ac440012382611/original/revisiting-the-religious-violence-thesis-minorities-in-the-middle-east.pdf["orcid:0000-0002-5722-6209"]["5ce663395846762193c9c423"]00APSA—978Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-pfkfthttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-pfkfthttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d7faeeae3ac440012382611—[{"funderId":"10.13039/100008109","grantNumber":"Global Religion Research Initiative of Notre Dame University","name":"University of Notre Dame","url":null}]——true[]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-09-18T14:40:43.926ZPUBLISHED2019-09-18T14:40:43.926Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-09-17T17:32:20.559Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7faeeae3ac440012382611/mediumThumb/revisiting-the-religious-violence-thesis-minorities-in-the-middle-east.jpgRevisiting the Religious Violence Thesis: Minorities in the Middle East1—[]
5d7fc503e3ac440012382612The paper aims to understand how Alberto Guerreiro Ramos (1915-1982), one of the three recognized fathers of Brazilian modern social science, assimilated Eric Voegelin’s critique of modernity during the last ten years of his career in the United States. Beside the apparent obstacle of disciplinary boundaries (more apparent than real), one of the strongest reasons for this silence lies in the fact that most of Brazilian social scientists feel uncomfortable in associating Ramos with a conservative thinker like Voegelin. Nonetheless, things are always more complicated than ideological approaches may suggest. The apparent paradox of a progressivist social scientist incorporating a conservative critic of liberal modernity must be understood by means of a careful study of how Ramos developed his intellectual sensibility during his youth; the disillusions he suffered after the political breakdown of 1964 and his reactions as an émigré to his new academic environment of the United States. 11362019-09-17T14:04:05.413ZGuerreiro Ramos, reader of Eric Voegelin - Post colonial theory and alternatives to liberal modernity.pdf543886application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7fc503e3ac440012382612/original/guerreiro-ramos-reader-of-eric-voegelin-post-colonial-theory-and-alternatives-to-liberal-modernity.pdf["orcid:0000-0001-5709-9388"]["5ce663395846762193c9c426"]00APSA—414Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-335kjhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-335kjhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d7fc503e3ac440012382612—[]——true[]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-09-17T14:04:05.427ZPUBLISHED2019-09-17T14:04:05.427Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-09-16T17:38:58.986Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7fc503e3ac440012382612/mediumThumb/guerreiro-ramos-reader-of-eric-voegelin-post-colonial-theory-and-alternatives-to-liberal-modernity.jpgGuerreiro Ramos, reader of Eric Voegelin: post-colonial theory and alternatives to liberal modernity.1—[]
5d7ff2da93d9fe0012e1a1cbSince APSA’s establishment, American political scientists have sought to bridge the gap between scholarly research and political action. Frank Goodnow, the first president of APSA argued in 1904 that the study of politics should speak to the political world. Over 100 years later, former APSA president Jennifer Hochschild echoes Goodnow by arguing that increased relevance is one cause for optimism in politically pessimistic times. One approach to becoming relevant which is often overlooked is a turn to focusing on classroom education. Although the desire to become more relevant is noble, success will require that we view teaching as a gateway to, rather than an obstacle to becoming relevant. Undergraduates who major in political science work in the very fields we wish to discuss and impact including government, law, and non-profit organizations. Therefore, if we wish to be a relevant field, political science academics ought to primarily focus on student education.7792019-09-18T14:43:30.900ZAffecting the World - Political Science Education and Relevance by Matthew Stein.pdf247824application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7ff2da93d9fe0012e1a1cb/original/affecting-the-world-political-science-education-and-relevance.pdf["name:matthew stein"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42a"]10APSA—411Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-tpqw1https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-tpqw1https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d7ff2da93d9fe0012e1a1cb—[]——true["Education","relevance","relevance gap","classroom"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-09-18T14:43:30.914ZPUBLISHED2019-09-18T14:43:30.914Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-09-18T03:36:26.051Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d7ff2da93d9fe0012e1a1cb/mediumThumb/affecting-the-world-political-science-education-and-relevance.jpgAffecting the World: Political Science Education and Relevance1—[]
5d800cf993d9fe0012e1a1cdWhat is “authoritarian constitutionalism”? How can we know it when we see it? In this paper, we provide a conceptual and analytical framework that addresses both ingredients of this intriguing concept: (1) a regime type commonly known for its tendency to abuse power, with (2) a centuries-old lineage of theories and practices seeking precisely to place limits on how it be used. After discussing different conceptualizations of “authoritarian constitutionalism”, we argue that it properly is a phenomenon that takes place under an authoritarian regime that exhibits institutional constraints on power. We thus distinguish authoritarian constitutionalism from “abusive constitutionalism” (that takes place under democracy) and from “constitutional authoritarianism” (authoritarian regimes where there are no institutional limits on power). We illustrate each one of these categories with examples from Latin American constitutional history.12762019-09-17T14:06:06.154ZPozas&Rios_APSA2019_Authoritarian_Constitutionalism.pdf252253application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d800cf993d9fe0012e1a1cd/original/authoritarian-constitutionalism.pdf["name:andrea pozas-loyo","orcid:0000-0002-4637-1080"]["5ce663395846762193c9c423"]10APSA—3204Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-g3bwwhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-g3bwwhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d800cf993d9fe0012e1a1cd—[]——true["Constitutionalism ","Authoritarian regimes"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-09-17T14:06:06.167ZPUBLISHED2019-09-17T14:06:06.167Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-09-16T22:37:23.258Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d800cf993d9fe0012e1a1cd/mediumThumb/authoritarian-constitutionalism.jpgAuthoritarian Constitutionalism1—[]
5d83dc522f41c7001256af4cIt is common to ask whether populism is a threat or a corrective to democracy. In the empirical literature, the conclusion tends to be that it is both. Mouffe’s normative account promotes populism because of its alleged ability to deepen democracy. Both literatures are inhibited by an observer perspective, which evaluates populism as a phenomenon that affects democracy from the outside rather than as an alternative conception of democracy. This paper proposes an alternative approach, which uses the publicity condition of Kant and Rawls. The publicity condition entails taking a participant perspective, where you regard yourself as involved with plural others in a common enterprise of deliberation. While the observer considers the causes and effects of different doctrines in order to explain, manipulate and/or exploit political practice, the participant asks whether we could make a doctrine our own, something we would promote and use to assess the health of democracy.10122019-09-20T12:56:18.073ZRostboll - Populism and Publicity - APSA2019.pdf425852application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d83dc522f41c7001256af4c/original/populism-and-publicity-the-participant-perspective.pdf["orcid:0000-0002-9887-0092"]["5ce663395846762193c9c426"]10APSA—309Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-hdx7qhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-hdx7qhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d83dc522f41c7001256af4c—[]——true["Democracy","Populism","Participant perspective","Rawls","Kant","Mouffe","Laclau"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-09-20T12:56:18.084ZPUBLISHED2019-09-20T12:56:18.084Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-09-19T20:06:00.071Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d83dc522f41c7001256af4c/mediumThumb/populism-and-publicity-the-participant-perspective.jpgPOPULISM AND PUBLICITY: THE PARTICIPANT PERSPECTIVE1—[]
5d87daa9f895ab0012b96232In 1964, Richard Hofstadter authored The Paranoid Style in American Politics. Fifty-five years later in an era now littered with “fake news” websites and conspiracy theories that can spread rapidly over the Internet, Hofstadter’s work warrants revisiting. In this paper, I draw on the concept of the “paranoid style,” but with a quantitative twist. Psychologists Allan Fenigstein and Peter Vanable (1992) developed a survey instrument to assess paranoid thought. Using data from a survey that combines the Fenigstein and Vanable paranoia instrument with questions about present-day political conspiracies and fake news stories, my research asks: Is there a relationship between paranoia and one’s willingness to accept or deny established political facts? I hypothesize that in today’s sometimes confusing information environment, paranoia plays a significant role in understanding why some Americans are more susceptible than others to believing misinformation popularized through fake news websites. The results confirm my expectations.18922019-09-24T13:44:36.626ZAPSA_2019_Francia_Paranoia.pdf246408application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d87daa9f895ab0012b96232/original/the-paranoid-style-and-the-rise-of-fake-news-in-american-politics.pdf["name:peter francia"]["5ce663395846762193c9c422"]00APSA—4326Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-p6gq5https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-p6gq5https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d87daa9f895ab0012b96232—[]——true["fake news","misinformation","paranoia","political knowledge"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-09-24T13:44:36.641ZPUBLISHED2019-09-24T13:44:36.641Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-09-23T20:44:17.293Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d87daa9f895ab0012b96232/mediumThumb/the-paranoid-style-and-the-rise-of-fake-news-in-american-politics.jpgThe Paranoid Style and the Rise of Fake News in American Politics1—[]
5d88e18b93d9fe0012e1a1deThis is a qualitative chapter from my mixed-methods dissertation on civic engagement and higher education. I analyze how college experience and social networks affect levels of civic engagement amongst college students and college dropouts to assess the extent to which the social networks developed within the college environment are effective conduits for the transmission of politically relevant social capital, civic norms, and civic values.8872019-09-24T13:48:53.601ZKwakwa APSA (2019) - Dissertation Chapter 6.pdf232372application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d88e18b93d9fe0012e1a1de/original/civic-engagement-college-experience-and-social-network-composition.pdf["name:maryann kwakwa"]["5ce663395846762193c9c422"]00APSA—409Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-3fp2zhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-3fp2zhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d88e18b93d9fe0012e1a1de—[]——true["Civic engagement","Higher Education","Social Networks","Social Capital","Mobilization"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-09-24T13:48:53.649ZPUBLISHED2019-09-24T13:48:53.649Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-09-23T15:22:08.231Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d88e18b93d9fe0012e1a1de/mediumThumb/civic-engagement-college-experience-and-social-network-composition.jpgCivic Engagement, College Experience, and Social Network Composition1—[]
5d8d2e56f895ab0012b96242The Trump era has facilitated the emergence of a strong backlash against the successes of the LGBTQ movement. However, the politics of this era also motivated a record number of LGBTQ candidates to run for public office. We examine the electoral performance of these candidates in the 2018 election cycle relative to non-LGBTQ candidates employing state legislative election data from partisan election states in the updated State Legislative Election Returns (SLERs) database. We also conduct a brief case study of elections in Virginia, which led to the nation's first transgender state legislative representative taking office, to understand how a number of LGBTQ candidates overcame seemingly long electoral odds in 2017. Drawing on recent research on public attitudes toward LGBTQ rights, we expect to find that most LGBTQ candidates for state legislative seats rode on a Democratic wave and did not experience an electoral deficit for being LGBTQ. 13592019-09-27T14:37:58.353Z2018 LGBT candidates full 1.2.pdf656384application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d8d2e56f895ab0012b96242/original/year-of-the-lgbtq-candidate-lgbtq-state-legislative-candidates-in-the-trump-era.pdf["orcid:0000-0002-2095-1618","name:patrick gauding","name:andrew flores","name:daniel lewis","name:patrick miller","name:jami taylor","name:barry tadlock"]["5ce663395846762193c9c422"]20APSA—947Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-6r31vhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-6r31vhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d8d2e56f895ab0012b96242—[]——true["LGBT","State legislative","elections","2018","candidates"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-09-27T14:37:58.372ZPUBLISHED2019-09-27T14:37:58.372Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-09-26T21:41:38.859Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d8d2e56f895ab0012b96242/mediumThumb/year-of-the-lgbtq-candidate-lgbtq-state-legislative-candidates-in-the-trump-era.jpgYear of the LGBTQ Candidate? LGBTQ State Legislative Candidates in the Trump Era1—[]
5d94c7762f41c7001256af6dThe discipline of political science has been engaged in discussion about when, why, and how to make scholarship more transparent for at least three decades. This piece argues that qualitative researchers can achieve transparency in diverse ways, using techniques and strategies that allow them to balance and optimize among competing considerations that affect the pursuit of transparency.. We begin by considering the “state of the debate,” briefly outlining the contours of the scholarship on transparency in political and other social sciences, which so far has focussed mostly on questions of “whether” and “what” to share. We investigate competing considerations that researchers have to consider when working towards transparent research. The heart of the piece considers various strategies, illustrated by exemplary applications, for making qualitative research more transparent.74642019-10-02T17:41:41.959ZTransparency-in-Practice_Preprint.pdf258428application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d94c7762f41c7001256af6d/original/transparency-in-practice-in-qualitative-research.pdf["name:diana kapiszewski","orcid:0000-0001-8249-7388"]["5ce663395846762193c9c425"]10APSA—1999Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-if2he-v2https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-if2he-v2https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d94c7762f41c7001256af6d—[{"funderId":"10.13039/100000001","grantNumber":"SES 1628636","name":"National Science Foundation","url":null}]——true["research transparency","qualitative data","open science"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef232019-10-02T17:41:42.009ZPUBLISHED2019-10-02T17:41:42.009Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-10-02T16:51:34.066Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d94c7762f41c7001256af6d/mediumThumb/transparency-in-practice-in-qualitative-research.jpgTransparency in Practice in Qualitative Research2{"url":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1049096520000955","vorDoi":"10.1017/S1049096520000955"}[]
5d94e8bcf5751a00122259dcIn the post-constitution period, up to 2013, a consensus was established in Brazil about the idea and practice of social participation. The study agenda on the subject was no longer focused on social movements but, rather, on the analysis of the dynamics of civil society and formal arenas of participation that embrace representatives of civil society and state. The shift marked the institutionalist turn in the studies of social participation in Brazil. Large demonstrations against the ongoing austerity policies in Brazil, as in other countries, mark an inflection in this study agenda. Social participation within the participatory institutions has been criticised, and a new turn has emerged. By recognizing those changes, this paper comparatively describes and explains if, how and to what extent different patterns of participation are mixed in order to guarantee social rights in health, housing, and policies for women policy subsystems in Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais. 8552019-10-02T20:51:24.261Z2019 APSA - Patterns of interaction - Faria & Silva.pdf253360application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d94e8bcf5751a00122259dc/original/patterns-of-interaction-between-social-movements-and-participatory-institutions-in-the-brazilian-policy-subsystems.pdf["orcid:0000-0003-4956-140X","name:luis henrique silva"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42c"]00APSA—277Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-gqmj8https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-gqmj8https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d94e8bcf5751a00122259dc—[{"funderId":"","grantNumber":"307308/2018-9","name":"CNPq","url":null}]——true[" Policy subsystems","Participatory institutions ","Mobilizations","Patterns of actions"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef232019-10-02T20:51:24.277ZPUBLISHED2019-10-02T20:51:24.277Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-10-02T18:28:08.225Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d94e8bcf5751a00122259dc/mediumThumb/patterns-of-interaction-between-social-movements-and-participatory-institutions-in-the-brazilian-policy-subsystems.jpgPatterns of interaction between social movements and participatory institutions in the Brazilian policy subsystems1—[]
5d9b53192f41c7001256af79The effect of gender on state judicial elections is well-traversed, but what is understudied is whether gender affects contributions to state judicial campaigns, particularly in state intermediate appellate courts. Using campaign contribution data from 1994-2012, we analyze whether women are less likely than men to receive higher donation amounts, and whether differences in fundraising between male and female candidates differs between Southern and non-Southern states. We conclude that gender does significantly impact donations in state IAC campaigns, with Southern female candidates raising more money than male candidates, and non-Southern female candidates raising less money than male candidates. We conclude by discussing our findings and where research should proceed.8882019-10-09T16:01:17.054ZGender, Campaign Contributions, and State Intermediate Appellate Court Elections APSA 2019.pdf1042908application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d9b53192f41c7001256af79/original/gender-campaign-contributions-and-state-intermediate-appellate-court-elections.pdf["orcid:0000-0002-0707-5705","name:conny kazungu"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42f"]00APSA—270Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-85hqthttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-85hqthttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d9b53192f41c7001256af79—[]——true["judiciary","gender","elections","campaign contributions"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef232019-10-09T16:01:17.070ZPUBLISHED2019-10-09T16:01:17.070Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-10-09T15:56:27.855Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d9b53192f41c7001256af79/mediumThumb/gender-campaign-contributions-and-state-intermediate-appellate-court-elections.jpgGender, Campaign Contributions, and State Intermediate Appellate Court Elections1—[]
5d9bc31f93d9fe0012e1a20bThis paper explores the role of racial group efficacy in shaping the emotions and political behavior of Black and White Americans. Drawing on data from a nationally representative survey and an original survey experiment, we show significant variations in how Black and White people view their political influence as individuals and as members of collective racial groups. We uncover patterns that question whether the linkage between efficacy and anger as demonstrated by extant scholarship is effectively applicable to African Americans. Finally, we show that racial group efficacy is a stronger predictor of political behavior than conventional efficacy measures—particularly for African Americans. We discuss how a focus on racial group efficacy can greatly inform our understanding of racial divergences in political participation.16452019-10-09T15:18:56.494ZPhoenix & Chan Aug 2019 APSA Anger Agency & Action.pdf447654application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d9bc31f93d9fe0012e1a20b/original/anger-agency-and-action-in-black-and-white-racial-efficacy-emotion-political-behavior.pdf["name:davin phoenix","name:nathan chan"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42e"]20APSA—519Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-lct98https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-lct98https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d9bc31f93d9fe0012e1a20b—[]——true[]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-10-09T15:18:56.507ZPUBLISHED2019-10-09T15:18:56.507Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-10-07T23:15:46.045Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d9bc31f93d9fe0012e1a20b/mediumThumb/anger-agency-and-action-in-black-and-white-racial-efficacy-emotion-political-behavior.jpgAnger, Agency and Action in Black and White: Racial Efficacy, Emotion & Political Behavior1—[]
5d9ca075a6490200117d298fThis report by the APSA Presidential Task Force on Women’s Advancement in the Profession is based on personal and confidential semi-structured interviews with individuals from three graduate programs who entered graduate school around the same time (the early 1990s) about their educational and career experiences from the decision to pursue the PhD to the present—regardless of whether or not the individuals completed the degree or work in the profession today. How do people experience the profession of political science? What explains differences in individual trajectories—both within and outside the academy? How do climate, efforts to diversify the academy, and policies such as family leave impact individual careers? What policies and practices help graduate students on the job market, and faculty on the tenure-track? What are the tradeoffs in academic and non-academic pursuits? And what is the value of the Ph.D.—inside and outside the academy?43932019-10-08T14:51:47.782ZAPSA Report.pdf754352application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d9ca075a6490200117d298f/original/would-i-do-this-all-over-again-mid-career-voices-in-political-science.pdf["orcid:0000-0002-6808-9596","name:page fortna","name:claudine gay","name:kira sanbonmatsu"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42a"]10APSA—1237Presentation5ce663395846762193c9c43210.33774/apsa-2019-76m98-v2https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-76m98-v2https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d9ca075a6490200117d298f—[{"funderId":"","grantNumber":"1748777","name":"National Science Foundation","url":null}]——true["gender","race","graduate school","intersectionality","tenure","job market","family leave","chilly climate"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-10-08T14:51:47.803ZPUBLISHED2019-10-08T14:51:47.803Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-10-08T14:47:36.406Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d9ca075a6490200117d298f/mediumThumb/would-i-do-this-all-over-again-mid-career-voices-in-political-science.jpg"Would I Do This All Over Again? Mid-Career Voices in Political Science"2—[]
5d9f66d476744700123363dbMalaysia’s 2018 election saw the unexpected defeat of the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) and the end of more than six decades of dominant party rule. Three core questions arise. How did the opposition finally overcome the extensive obstacles to achieve victory? What were anti-UMNO voters actually voting for? And finally, what do those answers imply for reform and democratization? We argue that Malaysia is actually comprised of four distinct identity-based polities, each with a unique electoral dynamic and vision for the country’s political future. Using this four arenas framework provides key insights into UMNO’s defeat, which was achieved by making inroads— largely through elite splits—in two previously impenetrable arenas. As one arena remains electorally pivotal, it exerts a disproportionately large influence on the new government’s reform agenda, as well as ensures the continued salience of identity politics.8612019-10-10T17:53:36.263ZOstwald Oliver (2019) Four Arena in Malaysia - APSA PrePrint 2019.pdf735483application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d9f66d476744700123363db/original/four-arenas-malaysia-s-2018-election-reform-and-democratization.pdf["orcid:0000-0002-9876-955X","name:steven oliver"]["5ce663395846762193c9c423"]10APSA—2225Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-6lprvhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-6lprvhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5d9f66d476744700123363db—[]——true["Malaysia","Election","Ethnic Politics","Identity","Democratization","UMNO","Pakatan Harapan","Reform"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-10-10T17:53:36.275ZPUBLISHED2019-10-10T17:53:36.275Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-10-10T17:26:52.753Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5d9f66d476744700123363db/mediumThumb/four-arenas-malaysia-s-2018-election-reform-and-democratization.jpgFour Arenas: Malaysia’s 2018 Election, Reform, and Democratization1{"url":"https://doi.org/10.1080%2F13510347.2020.1713757","vorDoi":"10.1080/13510347.2020.1713757"}[]
5da2042122a841001202811fDo norms have a causal impact on the decline of democratic institutions? I use a dyadic analysis that draws on data from the European and World Values Survey and Polity IV. I find that popularly held norms do not matter, but that the norms of economic elites do. There are two theoretical points driving these findings. One, the decisions of political elites is disproportionately influenced by voters wealthier than the median. The resources commanded by economic elites make them more important than the average citizen, and accordingly, their interests and values are also more important. In effect, the selectorate is considerably smaller than the full voting population. Two, wealthy elites have historically been opposed to democratic concessions. Due to greater levels of income inequality, elites’ opposition to democracy, along with their relative power, has increased. Therefore, their normative attitudes are increasingly likely to translate into democratic decline.12902019-10-21T13:37:07.616ZSchafer_Do Popular Norms Matter.pdf428698application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5da2042122a841001202811f/original/do-popular-norms-matter-for-democratic-backsliding.pdf["orcid:0000-0001-6774-3755"]["5ce663395846762193c9c423"]00APSA—968Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-45m69https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-45m69https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5da2042122a841001202811f—[]——true["democratic backsliding","democratic decline","norms","democratic norms","selectorate","inequality","elites","distributional conflict theory","democracy","economic elites"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-10-21T13:37:07.631ZPUBLISHED2019-10-21T13:37:07.631Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-10-19T19:18:09.978Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5da2042122a841001202811f/mediumThumb/do-popular-norms-matter-for-democratic-backsliding.jpgDo Popular Norms Matter for Democratic Backsliding?1—[]
5da7a6e2a6490200117d29afAnti-populism, an understudied political phenomenon, is antagonistic opposition to what it names-pejoratively-as “populism”. It goes beyond criticism of aspects of a populist movement or government to become a radical antagonist to it. The anti-populist socio-political field can be a transideological one capable of including right wing, liberal and left sectors, even though right wing and liberal sectors will tend to have predominance over left wing ones within it. The antagonistic relationship between populism and anti-populism tends towards a polarized political field if consolidated and expanded. In Latin America, even though it comes from a defense of liberal democracy, anti-populism has supported or paved the way for anti-democratic coups against perceived “populist” governments. Classist, racist and neoliberal economic discourses are historically prominent in Latin American anti-populism. This shows historic socio-political forms and narratives linked to economic, social, and ethnic cleavages of the region manifesting in political conflict around populism. 15182019-10-18T18:29:13.584Zpre laap.pdf316318application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5da7a6e2a6490200117d29af/original/understanding-latin-american-anti-populism.pdf["orcid:0000-0002-4983-8651"]["5ce663395846762193c9c426"]20APSA—1094Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-kttcqhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-kttcqhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5da7a6e2a6490200117d29af—[]——true["Anti-populism"," populism"," ideology"," Latin American politics"," conflict"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-10-18T18:29:13.595ZPUBLISHED2019-10-18T18:29:13.595Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-10-17T00:04:53.920Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5da7a6e2a6490200117d29af/mediumThumb/understanding-latin-american-anti-populism.jpgUnderstanding Latin American anti-populism1—[]
5da80b0a22a8410012028122This paper is an attempt to understand the appropriation of spaces of Dalits by Sindhi Progressive activists and short story writers in Pakistan as they construct or rather undermine caste at the anvil of religion and gender to project their own religio-political agenda premised on political Sufism or Sufi nationalism. I specifically discuss the narratives emergent of the three popular short stories that are projected as having exceptional emancipatory potential for the Dalits and (Dalit) women. Assessing the emancipatory limits of Sindhi Progressive narrative, I argue while that the short stories purport to give fuller expression to religious, gender-based and class dimension of the problematic, it elides the problem of casteism and the subsequent existential demand of Dalit emancipation. Given the hegemonic influence of local Ashrafia class, the internal caste frictions are glossed over through political Sufism or Sindhi nationalism. 21922019-10-24T14:20:01.695ZInterrogating the Appropriation of Spaces of Caste in Pakistan.pdf930152application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5da80b0a22a8410012028122/original/interrogating-the-appropriation-of-spaces-of-caste-in-pakistan-ambedkarian-perspective-on-progressive-religio-political-projections-in-sindhi-short-stories-and-in-everyday-politics.pdf["orcid:0000-0002-9538-1840"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42e"]01APSA—612Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-wlx66-v2https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-wlx66-v2https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5da80b0a22a8410012028122—[{"funderId":"","grantNumber":"","name":"No funding sought for this study","url":null}]——true["Casteism","Ahsrafia Hegemony","Appropriation of Dalit spaces and narratives"," Ashrafia-Savarna Patriarchy"," Progressive Literary Practices","Everyday Politics","Politics of Fiction"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef232019-10-24T14:20:01.720ZPUBLISHED2019-10-24T14:20:01.720Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-10-23T16:04:55.694Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5da80b0a22a8410012028122/mediumThumb/interrogating-the-appropriation-of-spaces-of-caste-in-pakistan-ambedkarian-perspective-on-progressive-religio-political-projections-in-sindhi-short-stories-and-in-everyday-politics.jpgInterrogating the Appropriation of Spaces of Caste in Pakistan: Ambedkarian Perspective on Progressive Religio-Political Projections in Sindhi Short Stories and in Everyday Politics2{"url":"https://doi.org/10.3390/rel10110627","vorDoi":"10.3390/rel10110627"}[{"description":"This paper is an attempt to investigate the discursive bases of the categorical and identity-based choices available to the Dalits under the Ashrafia hegemony, and the resultant denial of Dalitness prevalent among the Dalits and the Sindhi civil society in, Pakistan. Informed by the Ambedkarian (subaltern) perspective, I analyse the conversational interviews conducted with the Dalit activists (mostly Scheduled Castes), and with their Ashrafia class counterparts. Interrogating the superior status of Sayed caste(s), I contend that the the denial of casteism, the opposition to the use of the ‘Dalit’ identity marker and the negation of the Dalitness seemed to have as much to do with the belief in Ashrafia values as it had with the normative sanction of the Savarna values.","title":"‘Dalits are in India, not in Pakistan’: Exploring the Discursive Bases of the Denial of Dalitness under the Ashrafia Hegemony","url":"https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/0021909619863455"}]
5dab57a5a6490200117d29bcPoliticians and scholars contend that governmental transparency reforms constrain politicians' capacity to negotiate and compromise in the pursuit of policy goals. However, existing research primarily emphasizes only that governments are strategic in adopting these reforms; whether lawmakers actually incur the alleged costs of transparency remains an open question. We investigate this issue in the context of American state legislatures, many of which have become exempt from "sunshine laws" in recent decades. Legislators justify these exemptions by claiming that transparency impedes deal-making and coalition-building, producing gridlock. We leverage variation in the timing of sunshine law adoptions and exemptions to identify their effect on legislative productivity, polarization, partisanship, policy change, and budget delay. Our analyses refute legislators' argument for opacity; we report precisely-estimated negligible and contradictory effects of sunshine law exposure. We conclude that transparency does not inhibit political compromise. Legislative deliberation is equally or perhaps more effective under open governance requirements.13252019-10-21T13:24:20.507ZHarden and Kirkland -- Transparency and Compromise 9-10-19.pdf2566272application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5dab57a5a6490200117d29bc/original/does-transparency-inhibit-political-compromise.pdf["orcid:0000-0001-5337-7918","name:justin kirkland"]["5ce663395846762193c9c422"]10APSA—1047Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-tdw2rhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-tdw2rhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5dab57a5a6490200117d29bc—[]——true[]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-10-21T13:24:20.521ZPUBLISHED2019-10-21T13:24:20.521Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-10-19T18:42:39.873Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5dab57a5a6490200117d29bc/mediumThumb/does-transparency-inhibit-political-compromise.jpgDoes Transparency Inhibit Political Compromise?1{"url":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12564","vorDoi":"10.1111/ajps.12564"}[]
5dadbac81b0e9400125cbbd3We review the literature on youth voting, paying particular attention to how electoral institutions influence participation. We find that barriers to registration have a disproportionate effect on young people but that their removal alone will not be sufficient to produce large-scale shifts in turnout. Though there are theoretical, empirical, and normative reasons to make voting easier, we argue that electoral reforms designed to promote registration and turnout are best viewed as vehicles to facilitate other efforts aimed at increasing individuals’ capacity for and interest in participating. Advocacy groups and scholars alike should devote more attention to identifying ways to engage young people. We recognize the task is a challenging one but we are cautiously optimistic that substantial change is possible. 24702019-10-21T16:36:53.089ZMcDonald and Hanmer Barriers to Youth Voting.pdf435305application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5dadbac81b0e9400125cbbd3/original/understanding-and-confronting-barriers-to-youth-voting-in-america.pdf["orcid:0000-0002-2429-271X","name:michael hanmer"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42f"]20APSA—2609Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-42qw1https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-42qw1https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5dadbac81b0e9400125cbbd3—[]——true[]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-10-21T16:36:53.101ZPUBLISHED2019-10-21T16:36:53.101Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-10-21T14:13:02.657Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5dadbac81b0e9400125cbbd3/mediumThumb/understanding-and-confronting-barriers-to-youth-voting-in-america.jpgUnderstanding and Confronting Barriers to Youth Voting in America1—[]
5db1f95734ec930012628f52For the past decade, Northwestern University has implemented an initiative which has resulted in a voter registration rate averaging around 90% of its entire eligible student body. Meanwhile, this concentrated effort to integrate comprehensive voter registration and engagement initiatives into University operations increased voting among eligible students by over 15 percentage points between 2012 and 2016, with 64.3% of all eligible student voters casting a ballot in the 2016 general election. This paper reflects the experience of a civic engagement practitioner at Northwestern working with colleagues to cultivate a new cultural norm of student voting at the University, and describes the process, results, and lessons learned from this effort to institutionalize voter engagement. 13372019-10-25T15:03:15.733ZDonahue.Voter.Engagement.Higher.Ed.Practitioner.Perspective.Paper.18.pdf144080application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5db1f95734ec930012628f52/original/a-practitioner-s-perspective-on-institutionalizing-voter-registration-on-college-university-campuses.pdf["name:robert donahue"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42f"]00APSA—406Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-4pw4fhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-4pw4fhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5db1f95734ec930012628f52—[{"funderId":"10.13039/100000873","grantNumber":"","name":"Andrew W. Mellon Foundation","url":null}]——true["Civic engagement","Voter registration","voter engagement","higher education","colleges","universities","Northwestern University","student voting","voting"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-10-25T15:03:15.744ZPUBLISHED2019-10-25T15:03:15.744Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-10-24T19:51:34.313Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5db1f95734ec930012628f52/mediumThumb/a-practitioner-s-perspective-on-institutionalizing-voter-registration-on-college-university-campuses.jpgA Practitioner's Perspective on Institutionalizing Voter Registration on College & University Campuses1—[]
5dbb3bbea6490200117d29e2This paper introduces readers to the political science literature on voter mobilization, highlighting what we know (and what we wish we knew) about getting college students to vote in the United States. The purpose of the paper is to provide advice to those wishing to mobilize student voters and to help set a research agenda for the future. We focus on experiments designed to test the effectiveness of specific techniques to register and engage young voters, documenting practical steps that have proven effective across campuses. While only 40% of 18-24 year olds are enrolled in college, and turnout is lower for non-college youth, college students represent a population that academics should be best positioned to mobilize and turn into voters.29032019-10-31T21:43:00.487ZWhat We Know about Mobilizing College Students to Vote - Bennion.Nickerson - Posted to APSA Pre-Prints 10.31.19.pdf313521application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5dbb3bbea6490200117d29e2/original/what-we-know-about-how-to-mobilize-college-students-to-vote.pdf["orcid:0000-0001-9166-8660","name:david nickerson"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42f"]20APSA—3748Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-t0f6ghttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-t0f6ghttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5dbb3bbea6490200117d29e2—[]——true[]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-10-31T21:43:00.501ZPUBLISHED2019-10-31T21:43:00.501Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-10-31T20:04:23.710Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5dbb3bbea6490200117d29e2/mediumThumb/what-we-know-about-how-to-mobilize-college-students-to-vote.jpgWhat We Know about How to Mobilize College Students to Vote1—[]
5dbeda77a6490200117d29eeHow does the presence of multiple combatants affect rebel groups’ ideological positioning? Although violent forms of inter-group conflict have been widely studied in the civil war literature, rebel groups’ strategic use of ideology has so far received scarce scholarly attention. We argue that the pressure of competition forces rebel groups to differentiate themselves ideologically from their rivals to maximize their chances of survival and success. Rebel groups strive to set themselves apart by offering unique ideological products to their supporters and recruits. Thus, we contend that rebel groups are more likely to modify their ideologies and demands from the government in the face of competition from rival groups. We test this theory using novel data collected from rebel group manifestos and public statements. Our findings suggest that groups are more likely to shift their ideology and modify their demands from the government as the number of rival groups increases.15882019-11-05T21:03:18.919ZIdeologyManuscriptAPSA2019.pdf1592278application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5dbeda77a6490200117d29ee/original/rebel-rivalry-and-the-strategic-nature-of-rebel-group-ideology-and-demands.pdf["orcid:0000-0002-1888-7901","name:seden akcinaroglu","name:efe tokdemir","name:evgeny sedashov","name:jeremy berkowitz","name:carlos moreno leon"]["5ce663395846762193c9c424"]00APSA—1002Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-wshb5https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-wshb5https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5dbeda77a6490200117d29ee—[]——true["Rebel group ideology","Rebel rivalry","Civil war","Item Response Theory"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-11-05T21:03:18.933ZPUBLISHED2019-11-05T21:03:18.933Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-11-03T14:00:36.318Z[{"description":"Left-right ideology","fileName":"A1.pdf","fileSizeBytes":42737,"mimeType":"application/pdf","title":"Appendix 1","url":"https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5dbedd0fa6490200117d29fb/original/appendix-1.pdf"},{"description":"Religious ideology","fileName":"A2 (1).pdf","fileSizeBytes":48026,"mimeType":"application/pdf","title":"Appendix 2","url":"https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5dbedd3e34ec930012628f6c/original/appendix-2.pdf"}]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5dbeda77a6490200117d29ee/mediumThumb/rebel-rivalry-and-the-strategic-nature-of-rebel-group-ideology-and-demands.jpgRebel Rivalry and The Strategic Nature of Rebel Group Ideology and Demands1—[]
5dc16b5522a8410012028167Theories of promissory representation posit that voters reward governing parties that carry out their previous election pledges and punish those that do not. An extensive body of research demonstrates that governing parties tend to enact their promises, while an emerging literature on citizen perceptions shows that voters (in the aggregate) make accurate assessments of the fulfilment of specific promises. However, little is known about what voters do with this information. To test the expectation that pledge fulfilment affects parties’ electoral fortunes, we examine the impact of pledge fulfilment evaluations on vote intentions using British Election Study internet panel data (2010-2015). We find that perceived pledge fulfilment has modest but important effects on voting behaviour. These effects vary depending on previous vote choices and party issue ownership, and manifesting differently for first- and second-order elections. Our findings have important implications for promissory modes of democratic representation and explanations of voting behaviour. 28882019-11-05T20:57:53.040ZBrandenburg, McMillan and Thomson APSA Preprints submission.pdf545555application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5dc16b5522a8410012028167/original/does-it-matter-if-parties-keep-their-promises-the-impact-of-voter-evaluations-of-pledge-fulfilment-on-vote-choice.pdf["name:heinz brandenburg","orcid:0000-0002-4843-2449","name:robert thomson"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42f"]40APSA—1123Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-p13l5https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-p13l5https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5dc16b5522a8410012028167—[]——true["vote choice","voting behaviour","representation","mandates","election pledges","campaign promises"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef252019-11-05T20:57:53.054ZPUBLISHED2019-11-05T20:57:53.054Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-11-05T12:49:41.917Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5dc16b5522a8410012028167/mediumThumb/does-it-matter-if-parties-keep-their-promises-the-impact-of-voter-evaluations-of-pledge-fulfilment-on-vote-choice.jpgDoes it Matter if Parties Keep their Promises? The Impact of Voter Evaluations of Pledge Fulfilment on Vote Choice 1—[]
5dc2fd4ba6490200117d2a00Civil lawsuits are growing very rapidly in China and reflect to a great extent the degree of underlying social tensions in cities. We do not know at this point, however, the nature and distribution of such tensions in any of China’s urban centers. The release of judicial decisions online enables us to scan and make use of court documents. In our pilot study, we geocoded court opinions from civil lawsuits of neighborhood conflicts in Wuhan, one of China’s seven mega cities, for the past decade from 2014 to 2017. We aim to find first, spatial distribution of these lawsuits in the city. secondly, the underlying economic, political and social factors that contribute to the rise of these conflicts. It is our hope that such an approach could contribute to study the urban social capital from the perspective of neighborhood relations.7512019-11-06T21:25:36.934Ziposter09.pdf2298655application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5dc2fd4ba6490200117d2a00/original/spatial-analysis-of-social-capital-based-on-geocoding-of-civil-lawsuits.pdf["name:sheng ye"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42c"]00APSA—255Poster5ce663395846762193c9c43110.33774/apsa-2019-l498phttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-l498phttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5dc2fd4ba6490200117d2a00—[]——true["Social Capital","Civil Lawsuits"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-11-06T21:25:37.012ZPUBLISHED2019-11-06T21:25:37.012Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-11-06T17:24:18.512Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5dc2fd4ba6490200117d2a00/mediumThumb/spatial-analysis-of-social-capital-based-on-geocoding-of-civil-lawsuits.jpgSpatial Analysis of Social Capital based on Geocoding of Civil Lawsuits1—[]
5dc4273aa6490200117d2a04Between 2012 and 2018, a wave of attempts to prohibit the circumcision of infant males swept across German-speaking and Scandinavian polities, from Germany, Austria, and Switzerland (all in 2012), to Sweden (2013-2018), Denmark (2016-2018), Norway (2017), and finally Iceland (2018), where it came closest to being approved by the parliament. This article develops a causal narrative of those attempts, highlighting the key actors and the chronology of their involvement in the attempts to prohibit circumcision. First, medical and/or legal professionals advocated prohibition, which was then politicized by the far right (and/or secularist left) parties, and once the issue became politically salient, public opinion polls demonstrated significant support for prohibition. The politicized demand for prohibition forced the national legislature to debate the issue. In the meantime, international Jewish and Muslim organizations campaigned against prohibition, which finally provoked the national executives and/or political party leaders to intervene to stop the prohibitionist attempt.28602019-11-07T21:08:00.829ZAkturk 2019 Comparative Politics of Circumcision Bans in Western Europe 7 November 2019.pdf255857application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5dc4273aa6490200117d2a04/original/comparative-politics-of-circumcision-bans-in-western-europe-a-causal-narrative.pdf["orcid:0000-0002-5897-6714"]["5ce663395846762193c9c423"]10APSA—1609Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-d0gw1https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-d0gw1https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5dc4273aa6490200117d2a04—[]——true["circumcision","religion","gender","minority rights","children's rights","Jews","Muslims","Islamophobia","Anti-Semitism","far right","Scandinavia","Germany","immigration","pediatrics","secularism","genital modification","public policy","reproductive health","ritual animal slaughter","liberalism","religious toleration","conceptions of the good life"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-11-07T21:08:00.841ZPUBLISHED2019-11-07T21:08:00.841Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-11-07T14:52:39.454Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5dc4273aa6490200117d2a04/mediumThumb/comparative-politics-of-circumcision-bans-in-western-europe-a-causal-narrative.jpgComparative Politics of Circumcision Bans in Western Europe: A Causal Narrative1—[]
5dc878efa6490200117d2a09Primary elections in the US reflect the most inclusive nomination process among political parties across democracies. The desire for mass participation in party nominations appears embedded in a widespread populist ideal. It remains unclear, however, the extent to which voters believe that elites should be able to influence the process. Using data from the 2018 CCES we demonstrate that levels of political engagement, perceived ideological distance from the party, and partisanship predict the degree of support for popular selection of party nominees. We find key differences between the parties, with Republicans, particularly conservatives, more strongly opposed to elite influence. Surprisingly, most voters tend to have a pluralistic approach to selecting nominees, allowing for party officials and experts to weigh in on picking the party’s candidates. The findings have implications for how we conceive of political parties and the kinds of nomination reforms that might be embraced by voters.11502019-11-12T15:21:16.381ZAPSA_Preprints_Party_Nominations.pdf505524application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5dc878efa6490200117d2a09/original/who-should-decide-the-party-s-nominee-understanding-public-attitudes-toward-primary-elections.pdf["name:zachary albert","name:raymond la raja"]["5ce663395846762193c9c422"]00APSA—942Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-6dvc8https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-6dvc8https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5dc878efa6490200117d2a09—[]——true["Party Nominations","Primary Elections","Pluralism","Populism","Elections"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-11-12T15:21:16.393ZPUBLISHED2019-11-12T15:21:16.393Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-11-10T21:00:14.083Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5dc878efa6490200117d2a09/mediumThumb/who-should-decide-the-party-s-nominee-understanding-public-attitudes-toward-primary-elections.jpgWho Should Decide the Party’s Nominee? Understanding Public Attitudes Toward Primary Elections1{"url":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1354068820913279","vorDoi":"10.1177/1354068820913279"}[]
5dcd6fcec855340012607a52It is very important to study Iraq and eastern Syria, since these regions are always in turmoil and often in the news. These regions together make up ancient Mesopotamia. I have found very strong correlations between the borders of ancient state formations and modern-day geo-cultural divides. In this article, I suggest that we take these long-term patterns seriously when deciding what to do with eastern Syria and Iraq. We should not dismiss the idea of making internal or external borders more in keeping with divisions of the land based upon identity politics in modern-day Mesopotamia. Also, this paper makes us all aware of easily-forgotten groups, like the Syriac Christians on northern Iraq and eastern Syria, who are often conveniently left off of mainstream news broadcasts. In sum, the Ur III bala taxation system correlates very strongly with the modern Shia/non-Shia divide within modern Mesopotamia.7912019-11-20T15:03:28.659Zhate gets under the skin.pdf596241application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5dcd6fcec855340012607a52/original/hate-gets-under-the-skin-cohesive-identity-and-stopping-the-murders-in-mesopotamia.pdf["name:christopher binetti"]["5ce663395846762193c9c423"]00APSA—243Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-b0gjhhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-b0gjhhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5dcd6fcec855340012607a52—[]——true["historical-comparative analysis","ancient history","comparative politics","Shia-Sunni divide","history and politics","Syriac Christians"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-11-20T15:03:28.674ZPUBLISHED2019-11-20T15:03:28.674Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-11-14T15:25:02.264Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5dcd6fcec855340012607a52/mediumThumb/hate-gets-under-the-skin-cohesive-identity-and-stopping-the-murders-in-mesopotamia.jpgHate Gets Under The Skin- Cohesive Identity and Stopping the Murders in Mesopotamia1—[]
5df213a3cc45bb0019b9d84aThis paper uses quasi-experimental evidence to understand how changes in asylum policy affect the number of asylum-seekers. We look specifically at a sudden, regulatory change in the Swedish reception of Syrian asylum-seekers. The change took place in September 2013 and implied that all Syrian asylum-seekers would be granted permanent instead of temporary residence permits. Using high-frequency data and an interrupted time-series set-up, we study the extent to which this change caused more Syrian citizens to apply for asylum in Sweden. The paper provides several new insights: Our estimates show a clear increase in the number of asylum applications in Sweden after the policy change. The increase had implications for the distribution of Syrian asylum-seekers in Europe, but only in the short term. Also, the change caused a shift in the share of adult men arriving without a household member, and consequently in the share of refugees applying for family reunification. 15102019-12-12T15:54:45.995ZAsylum_seeekers_from_Syria.pdf1215218application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5df213a3cc45bb0019b9d84a/original/do-asylum-seekers-respond-to-policy-changes-evidence-from-the-swedish-syrian-case.pdf["name:henrik andersson","name:kristoffer jutvik"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42c"]40APSA—890Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-6f46mhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-6f46mhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5df213a3cc45bb0019b9d84a—[]——true[]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-12-12T15:54:46.009ZPUBLISHED2019-12-12T15:54:46.009Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-12-12T10:30:07.122Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5df213a3cc45bb0019b9d84a/mediumThumb/do-asylum-seekers-respond-to-policy-changes-evidence-from-the-swedish-syrian-case.jpgDo Asylum-seekers Respond to Policy Changes? Evidence from the Swedish-Syrian Case1{"url":"https://doi.org/10.1111/sjoe.12510","vorDoi":"10.1111/sjoe.12510"}[]
5df696c9cd361a001afed236In this paper, I use a rational systems theoretical framework to analyze foundation grantmaking practices. Using publicly available grant materials, including proposal guidelines and reporting documents, from four major national education funders, I look at the bones of the grantmaking process to probe the underlying belief systems of these organizations. The documents suggest that the relationship between a foundation and its grantees might be seen as resembling that between an organization and the individuals within it, with the foundation exercising control as a means of channeling and coordinating the behavior of grantees in order to achieve its goals. This exploratory work is intended to contribute to a more expansive study developing and deploying an institutional theoretical approach to analyzing grantmaking practices of different foundations operating in education philanthropy.12212019-12-16T17:17:06.381ZSands_NYSPSA 2019_Final.pdf289735application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5df696c9cd361a001afed236/original/applying-a-rational-systems-approach-to-the-analysis-of-education-philanthropies-grantmaking-practices.pdf["orcid:0000-0003-4831-4116"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42c"]10APSA—1862Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-bjn97https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-bjn97https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5df696c9cd361a001afed236—[]——true["philanthropy","education policy","institutional theory","public policy","private foundations"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-12-16T17:17:06.451ZPUBLISHED2019-12-16T17:17:06.451Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-12-15T20:57:08.109Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5df696c9cd361a001afed236/mediumThumb/applying-a-rational-systems-approach-to-the-analysis-of-education-philanthropies-grantmaking-practices.jpgApplying a Rational Systems Approach to the Analysis of Education Philanthropies’ Grantmaking Practices1—[]
5dfb7fb5afc3ff001967350aIn this chapter, we discuss the challenges of researching budgets and budgeting in international organizations. A key challenge is to recognize that there are different types of IO budgets, with different implications for different research questions. Researchers need to spend considerable effort to ensure reliability, validity and completeness of budget, expenditure and revenue data when conducting empirical research.10502019-12-20T16:50:00.715ZPrePrint Chapter IO Budgets.pdf163268application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5dfb7fb5afc3ff001967350a/original/budget-analysis-in-international-organization-research.pdf["name:svanhildur thorvaldsdottir","orcid:0000-0002-0761-086X"]["5ce663395846762193c9c424"]00APSA—787Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-vf6qjhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-vf6qjhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5dfb7fb5afc3ff001967350a—[{"funderId":"10.13039/501100001659","grantNumber":"","name":"Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft","url":null}]——true["international organizations","research methods","budgets","budgeting"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-12-20T16:50:00.749ZPUBLISHED2019-12-20T16:50:00.749Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-12-19T14:08:27.098Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5dfb7fb5afc3ff001967350a/mediumThumb/budget-analysis-in-international-organization-research.jpgBudget Analysis [in International Organization Research]1—[]
5dfc5620cd361a001afed23eRecent political science research has used a relatively new measure of racist attitudes—referred to as racist resentment, among other labels—to support inferences about racist attitudes and vote choice in the 2016 U.S. presidential election. Analysis of data from the 2016 Cooperative Congressional Election Study indicated that this racist resentment measure predicted vote choice for Donald Trump but also nontrivially predicted phenomena that theoretically have little-to-no racial content such as attitudes about environmental policies. These results suggest that the racist resentment measure captures too much nonracial content to be useful for estimating the association of racism with outcome variables.13292019-12-20T16:49:46.076ZZigerell 2019 - The Yuge Effect of Racist Resentment.pdf504711application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5dfc5620cd361a001afed23e/original/the-yuge-effect-of-racist-resentment-on-support-for-donald-trump-and-attitudes-about-automobile-fuel-efficiency-requirements.pdf["orcid:0000-0003-4262-8405"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42e"]00APSA—892Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-nf028https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-nf028https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5dfc5620cd361a001afed23e—[]——true["race","racism","racist resentment","racial attitudes","Donald Trump","vote","CCES"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272019-12-20T16:49:46.088ZPUBLISHED2019-12-20T16:49:46.088Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-12-20T05:14:41.513Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5dfc5620cd361a001afed23e/mediumThumb/the-yuge-effect-of-racist-resentment-on-support-for-donald-trump-and-attitudes-about-automobile-fuel-efficiency-requirements.jpgThe Yuge Effect of Racist Resentment on Support for Donald Trump and…Attitudes about Automobile Fuel Efficiency Requirements? 1—[]
5e0a3dd0cd361a001afed243The hostage crisis of 1979 was a defining moment in the history of US-Iran relationship that left a lasting impact on the generation of the Americans who witnessed it and deeply affected their attitudes toward Iran and Iran-related policies. In this paper, we use a case study of the Iran nuclear deal to put this idea to the test. We hypothesize that the hostage crisis generation is less likely to support the Iran nuclear deal than the post-hostage crisis generation. Using data from the 2015 Chicago Council Survey of American Public Opinion and U.S. Foreign Policy, we conduct a formal statistical analysis. The results of our OLS regression analysis show that there is a statistically significant difference between foreign policy attitudes of the two generations, irrespective of partisanship and ideology that are usually considered the main determinants of public opinion on foreign policy. 16962020-01-03T15:46:32.613ZThe Hostage Crisis Generation and Public Opinion about Iran Deal.pdf412346application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e0a3dd0cd361a001afed243/original/america-still-held-hostage-the-hostage-crisis-generation-and-public-opinion-about-iran-deal.pdf["name:mazaher koruzhde","orcid:0000-0003-2550-0514"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42f"]00APSA—3799Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2020-v0cjmhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2020-v0cjmhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5e0a3dd0cd361a001afed243—[]——true["Iran hostage crisis"," foreign policy attitudes"," Iran deal"," hostage crisis generation","generation gap","public opinion","US-Iran relationship"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272020-01-03T15:46:32.625ZPUBLISHED2020-01-03T15:46:32.625Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522019-12-30T18:39:38.867Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e0a3dd0cd361a001afed243/mediumThumb/america-still-held-hostage-the-hostage-crisis-generation-and-public-opinion-about-iran-deal.jpgAmerica Still Held Hostage: The Hostage Crisis Generation and Public Opinion about Iran Deal 1—[]
5e12e22ccd361a001afed251Inferences about individual campaign contributors are limited by how the Federal Election Commission collects and reports data. Only transactions that exceed a cycle-to-date total of $200 are individually disclosed, so that contributions of many donors are unobserved. We contrast visible and "hidden" donors, i.e., small donors who are invisible due to censoring—and routinely ignored in existing research. We use the Sanders presidential campaign in 2016, whose unique campaign structure received money only through an intermediary/conduit committee. These are governed by stricter disclosure statutes, allowing us to study donors who are normally hidden. For Sanders, there were seven hidden donors for every visible donor, and altogether, hidden donors were responsible for 33.8% of Sanders' campaign funds. We show that hidden donors start giving relatively later, with contributions concentrated around early primaries. We suggest that as presidential campaign strategies change towards wooing smaller donors, more research on what motivates them is necessary.20082020-01-06T15:40:57.027Zhidden_donors_revised.pdf17739163application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e12e22ccd361a001afed251/original/hidden-donors-the-censoring-problem-in-u-s-federal-campaign-finance-data.pdf["name:r. michael alvarez","name:jonathan n. katz","name:seo-young silvia kim"]["5ce663395846762193c9c422"]00APSA—593Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2020-sdjkphttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2020-sdjkphttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5e12e22ccd361a001afed251—[]——true["campaign finance","small donors","2016 election","data censoring","presidential campaigns"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272020-01-06T15:40:57.039ZPUBLISHED2020-01-06T15:40:57.039Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522020-01-06T08:06:17.139Z[{"description":"Online Appendices for Hidden Donors: The Censoring Problem in U.S. Federal Campaign Finance Data","fileName":"hidden_donors_si.pdf","fileSizeBytes":237521,"mimeType":"application/pdf","title":"Online Appendices","url":"https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e12e9a1afc3ff0019673528/original/online-appendices.pdf"}]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e12e22ccd361a001afed251/mediumThumb/hidden-donors-the-censoring-problem-in-u-s-federal-campaign-finance-data.jpgHidden Donors: The Censoring Problem in U.S. Federal Campaign Finance Data1{"url":"https://doi.org/10.1089/elj.2019.0593","vorDoi":"10.1089/elj.2019.0593"}[]
5e15e5d55ad14f001ba14b53Descriptive representation in public goods provision is associated with enhance services, and increased institutional trust amongst minorities. Nonetheless, whether such representation shapes majority citizens’ attitudes towards minorities is unclear. Building on the representative bureaucracy and intergroup contact literatures, I develop a theory of prejudice reduction through descriptive representation, which I test with a natural experiment leveraging the random assignment of Jewish patients to Arab doctors across 21 medical clinics in Israel. I demonstrate that representative institutions facilitating intergroup contact between doctors and patients improve majority-group perceptions of minorities. Contact with an Arab doctor reduces Jewish patients’ social distance preference towards Arabs by approximately a fifth of a standard deviation, and increases Jewish patients’ perceptions about the feasibility of peace by approximately a tenth of a standard deviation. My theory and evidence demonstrate how descriptive representation in public goods provision can improve intergroup relations through a mechanism of positive intergroup contact.41482020-01-08T19:27:24.488Zv4.pdf867491application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e15e5d55ad14f001ba14b53/original/reducing-prejudice-through-descriptive-representation-evidence-from-a-natural-experiment-in-israeli-medical-clinics.pdf["orcid:0000-0002-4311-9672"]["5ce663395846762193c9c423"]20APSA—1200Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2019-jzwtg-v2https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2019-jzwtg-v2https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5e15e5d55ad14f001ba14b53—[]——true["Prejudice Reduction","Intergroup Contact","Descriptive Representation","Public Health","Natural Experiment"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272020-01-08T19:27:24.501ZPUBLISHED2020-01-08T19:27:24.502Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522020-01-08T14:27:09.150Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e15e5d55ad14f001ba14b53/mediumThumb/reducing-prejudice-through-descriptive-representation-evidence-from-a-natural-experiment-in-israeli-medical-clinics.jpgREDUCING PREJUDICE THROUGH DESCRIPTIVE REPRESENTATION: Evidence From A Natural Experiment in Israeli Medical Clinics2—[]
5e15f685afc3ff001967352fWhile political theory occasionally resembles a protracted discussion about violence, the same cannot be said for atrocity. Where something recognizable as atrocity does crop up in canonical texts, it tends to be characterized as a fundamentally extra-political phenomenon. The canon promotes a tautology: atrocity is extra-political and properly political violence is not atrocious. To begin my discussion of atrocity, I first consider the figure of the tyrant and tyrannical violence in Western political thought as a possible proxy issue for early thinking about transgressive violence. Of the many disquisitions on tyranny, Seneca’s distinction between ordinary cruelty and what he calls “bestial savagery” establishes the basis for a theory of atrocity, but it does not go far enough. I then survey canonical discussions of transgressive violence up to the present, emphasizing the recurring theme of non-instrumentality. Finally, I present a tentative formulation of atrocity that underscores its political nature.8682020-01-08T19:31:53.245ZThe Bull of Phalaris - Reduced.pdf235595application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e15f685afc3ff001967352f/original/the-bull-of-phalaris-atrocity-in-the-canon.pdf["orcid:0000-0001-5080-5112"]["5ce663395846762193c9c426"]00APSA—982Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2020-xkvxdhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2020-xkvxdhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5e15f685afc3ff001967352f—[]——true["Atrocity","Violence","Genocide","Cruelty","Phalaris","Torture","Sadism","Evil","Seneca","Aristotle","More","Montaigne","Political Theory","Trangressive Violence"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272020-01-08T19:31:53.257ZPUBLISHED2020-01-08T19:31:53.257Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522020-01-08T15:55:44.479Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e15f685afc3ff001967352f/mediumThumb/the-bull-of-phalaris-atrocity-in-the-canon.jpgThe Bull of Phalaris: Atrocity in the Canon1—[]
5e1cf0f0afc3ff001967353aOne of the hardest undergraduate courses to teach is research methods. Dozens of books try to break down the research process but reading about how to conduct research can often be rather boring and abstract. Students learn research best by engaging in the process of research themselves. Instead of using a conventional research methods book that tends to be dense and often leans heavily towards quantitative analysis, I have developed a course that focuses on linking methodology to theory, critically analyzing and breaking down existing research from various sources that is both excellent and lacking, and working through small tasks in class in order to introduce students to the research process. This paper explains my teaching process, the challenges I have faced over time and the resulting changes I’ve made to the curriculum, and evaluating student performance. I also explore next steps for our department.11482020-01-15T18:29:04.266ZSantiago_TLC2020_TeachingResearchMethods.pdf210885application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e1cf0f0afc3ff001967353a/original/teaching-research-through-critical-analysis-using-good-and-bad-research.pdf["name:anne pitsch santiago"]["5ce663395846762193c9c425"]00APSA—458Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2020-v9pn8https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2020-v9pn8https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5e1cf0f0afc3ff001967353a5ebbce34b5a0a600195b0bdd[]——true["TLC2020"," Teaching Research and Writing"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272020-01-15T18:29:04.284ZPUBLISHED2020-01-15T18:29:04.284Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522020-01-15T17:11:56.097Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e1cf0f0afc3ff001967353a/mediumThumb/teaching-research-through-critical-analysis-using-good-and-bad-research.jpgTeaching Research through Critical Analysis Using "good" and "bad" Research1—[]
5e1f540bcd361a001afed264Increasing grassroots, small dollar donations has long been appealing to campaign finance reformers. Still, important questions remain. Are small donors becoming more common, especially in the Democratic Party? Are small donors really different from larger donors? And what do they tell us about the makeup and direction of the two parties? We use financial records and survey data to track small donors over time and examine their demographic and ideological characteristics. We find that, in recent cycles, the Democratic Party has attracted a growing share of money from small dollar donors, driven at least in part by technological advantages and the changing composition of their supporters. These donors are more demographically representative of the American public but share similar levels of ideological extremism as large donors. Importantly, female and ideologically extreme candidates are most likely to benefit from small donor funding, providing mixed evidence regarding the efficacy of potential reforms.25412020-01-15T18:48:34.520ZAlbert_La_Raja_SPSA_Draft.pdf478657application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e1f540bcd361a001afed264/original/small-dollar-donors-and-the-evolving-democratic-party.pdf["name:zachary albert","name:raymond la raja"]["5ce663395846762193c9c422"]60APSA—1764Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2020-9rnkdhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2020-9rnkdhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5e1f540bcd361a001afed264—[]——true["SPSA2020","Campaign Finance","Small Donors","Political Parties","Political Participation","Money in Politics"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef252020-01-15T18:48:34.531ZPUBLISHED2020-01-15T18:48:34.531Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522020-01-15T18:09:36.233Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e1f540bcd361a001afed264/mediumThumb/small-dollar-donors-and-the-evolving-democratic-party.jpgSmall Dollar Donors and the Evolving Democratic Party1—[]
5e2211b6afc3ff0019673552The active learning literature has greatly expanded over the past few years. This article investigates the utility of employing concept map activities in a medium-sized class, and whether or not it improves students’ learning and retention of material. We find that concept mapping activities significantly enhance students’ mastery and recollection of class material. The size of the effect is considerably greater in our treatment group, relative to our control group. We discuss the advantages of this specific active learning technique, and offer suggestions for its incorporation into different institutional settings. 11462020-01-17T20:41:02.818ZCollins & Nyenhuis Manuscript_1.pdf482053application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2211b6afc3ff0019673552/original/the-effectiveness-of-concept-maps-for-students-learning-and-retention.pdf["name:brady collins","name:robert nyenhuis"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42a"]00APSA—1912Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2020-nn3j9https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2020-nn3j9https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5e2211b6afc3ff00196735525ebbce34b5a0a600195b0bdd[]——true["TLC2020","Teaching Research and Writing"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272020-01-17T20:41:02.853ZPUBLISHED2020-01-17T20:41:02.853Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522020-01-17T20:30:20.691Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2211b6afc3ff0019673552/mediumThumb/the-effectiveness-of-concept-maps-for-students-learning-and-retention.jpgThe Effectiveness of Concept Maps for Students’ Learning and Retention1{"url":"https://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15512169.2020.1775090","vorDoi":"10.1080/15512169.2020.1775090"}[]
5e22cc95fe57a700188a5b41How well can students exposed to political science for the first time write a research article? Previous research has introduced selected research article writing skills to students in introductory courses, but has not studied whether students in such courses can produce a full research article. I re-designed an Introduction to Comparative Politics course based on the research article writing process. I hypothesized that students would make major gains in article writing skills and develop proficiency comparable to experienced majors. Using a pre- and post-test design along with rubrics for each research article component, I found support for my hypotheses. Students reported large increases in confidence and ability to handle research article writing tasks as a result of the course and demonstrated proficiency comparable to majors on more than two-thirds of rubric items. I provide some suggestions for ways to implement parts of this course design in traditional introductory course settings.12592020-01-20T13:57:01.669ZIntroWritingOBrochta.pdf206378application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e22cc95fe57a700188a5b41/original/writing-a-research-article-in-an-introductory-course.pdf["orcid:0000-0002-9907-301X"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42a"]00APSA—623Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2020-tj9d9https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2020-tj9d9https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5e22cc95fe57a700188a5b415ebbce34b5a0a600195b0bdd[]——true["TLC2020"," Teaching Research and Writing","Writing across curriculum","Introductory course","Research design"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272020-01-20T13:57:01.680ZPUBLISHED2020-01-20T13:57:01.680Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522020-01-18T09:33:14.516Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e22cc95fe57a700188a5b41/mediumThumb/writing-a-research-article-in-an-introductory-course.jpgWriting a Research Article in an Introductory Course1—[]
5e29b3e55ad14f001ba14b81Several studies have examined using electronic textbooks as compared to print textbooks, or open educational resources (OER) compared to commercial textbooks. Fewer studies, however, examine the use of free or low-cost online readings that are not an OER textbook or assigned in conjunction with a textbook. In my introductory American Government course, all assigned course readings were items that students could access for free online or through the university library. The use of these free or low-cost materials should have provided similar benefits to students as the adoption of an OER textbook typically would, namely cost savings. At the same time, they could have drawbacks similar to OERs and electronic textbooks, such as students having difficulty finding information within the text or accessing materials if they do not have home Internet access. Furthermore, this approach required more preparatory work for the instructor. 10102020-01-23T16:06:23.732ZUsing Free Online Readings to Teach Introduction to American Government - Final Kaufman.pdf1116438application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e29b3e55ad14f001ba14b81/original/using-free-online-readings-to-teach-introduction-to-american-government.pdf["orcid:0000-0002-5129-2870"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42a"]00APSA—627Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2020-89lwdhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2020-89lwdhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5e29b3e55ad14f001ba14b815ebbce34b5a0a600195b0bdd[]——true["TLC2020","The Virtual Classroom"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef252020-01-23T16:06:23.752ZPUBLISHED2020-01-23T16:06:23.752Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522020-01-23T15:57:15.197Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e29b3e55ad14f001ba14b81/mediumThumb/using-free-online-readings-to-teach-introduction-to-american-government.jpgUsing Free Online Readings to Teach Introduction to American Government1—[]
5e29ca4bfe57a700188a5b4aThis paper presents an experiment in teaching undergraduates with design thinking, a problem-solving methodology. Students participated in a design thinking project—designing games related to course subject—in two different undergraduate courses over a four-year period. The project was modified over time based on observations of students’ behavior and their academic performance with the goal of improving students’ experience of design thinking. These modifications included the introduction of a formal method of creative ideation, evaluating the designs of existing games, and peer feedback on the games designed by students. Some evidence emerged that these changes improved students’ reactions to design thinking but did not impair their ability to acquire course-specific domain knowledge.9562020-01-23T16:54:46.903ZRaymond TLC 2020 An Experiment in Teaching with Design Thinking.pdf191922application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e29ca4bfe57a700188a5b4a/original/an-experiment-in-teaching-with-design-thinking.pdf["name:chad raymond"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42a"]00APSA—458Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2020-d3724https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2020-d3724https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5e29ca4bfe57a700188a5b4a5ebbce34b5a0a600195b0bdd[]——true["TLC2020","Simulations and Games","design thinking"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272020-01-23T16:54:46.917ZPUBLISHED2020-01-23T16:54:46.917Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522020-01-23T16:51:58.904Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e29ca4bfe57a700188a5b4a/mediumThumb/an-experiment-in-teaching-with-design-thinking.jpgAn Experiment in Teaching with Design Thinking1—[]
5e29f43dcc45bb0019b9d8adTo develop our students’ analytical capabilities and prepare them for the demands of the job market of the 21st century, it is imperative that Political Science faculty incorporate research and data literacy skills into a broader array of courses. Previous work on developing these skills has focused on introductory methods courses and capstone experiences, but this article suggests a scaffolded approach to incorporating accessible research experiences across the curriculum. The project provides a blue-print for the creating applied research courses and infusing existing courses with content and assignments that facilitate students’ understanding of the research process and the use of analytic tools. 9732020-01-23T21:46:32.857ZBecker_ResearchForAll_Preprint.pdf146430application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e29f43dcc45bb0019b9d8ad/original/research-for-all-creating-opportunities-for-undergraduate-research-experiences-across-the-curriculum.pdf["orcid:0000-0002-0237-3340"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42a"]00APSA—446Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2020-30zr5https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2020-30zr5https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5e29f43dcc45bb0019b9d8ad5ebbce34b5a0a600195b0bdd[]——true["TLC2020"," The Political Science Major"," pedagogy"," undergraduate research","curriculum"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef232020-01-23T21:46:32.870ZPUBLISHED2020-01-23T21:46:32.870Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522020-01-23T21:37:39.522Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e29f43dcc45bb0019b9d8ad/mediumThumb/research-for-all-creating-opportunities-for-undergraduate-research-experiences-across-the-curriculum.jpgResearch for All: Creating Opportunities for Undergraduate Research Experiences Across the Curriculum1—[]
5e29f9be5ad14f001ba14b85In a classroom simulation that asks students to allocate scarce resources among a group of varied characters, evidence shows that ignorance of one’s character assignment is strongly associated with a more Rawlsian pattern of distribution. When students do not know which character is their own, they tend to support the most vulnerable as they redistribute resources to ensure that nearly all of the characters can survive and thrive. This is particularly the case when students know that a small portion of their grade is determined by the fate of their character. In contrast, a control group of students who worked through the simulation without consequence for their grades were significantly less redistributive and were more willing to sacrifice weak characters. Implications of students’ choices in the simulation segue nicely with class discussions of American social policy.18182020-01-23T21:28:54.719ZGreg Shaw TLC 2020 Shipwrecked with John Rawls.pdf1043391application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e29f9be5ad14f001ba14b85/original/shipwrecked-with-john-rawls-decision-making-behind-a-veil-of-ignorance-in-a-classroom-simulation.pdf["name:greg shaw"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42a"]00APSA—1713Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2020-qlsj3https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2020-qlsj3https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5e29f9be5ad14f001ba14b855ebbce34b5a0a600195b0bdd[]——true["TLC2020"," Simulations and Games"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272020-01-23T21:28:54.758ZPUBLISHED2020-01-23T21:28:54.758Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522020-01-23T21:22:06.605Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e29f9be5ad14f001ba14b85/mediumThumb/shipwrecked-with-john-rawls-decision-making-behind-a-veil-of-ignorance-in-a-classroom-simulation.jpgShipwrecked with John Rawls: Decision Making behind a Veil of Ignorance in a Classroom Simulation1—[]
5e2b26e0099d1d001855a9bdDo small states matter in regional politics? American students often come to an East Asian Politics class with preconceptions about regional dynamics through “national interest” lens, and less genuine interests in smaller states. To challenge these preconceptions, I introduce ASEAN simulations to help students see regional dynamics through the lens of smaller states in the region. Students first establish information literacy on competing theories and country cases earlier in the semester through assigned readings and country presentations. Then they assume the role of country delegates in a series of ASEAN simulations on regional hot topics such as nuclear proliferation, territorial disputes, and humanitarian crisis. By creating an active and collaborative learning environment, students can develop in-depth understanding of how small states pursue foreign policy objectives and seek status collectively, while critically evaluating the role of great powers in the region.7482020-01-27T14:36:52.586ZXiaoyeShe_ModelingSmallStateDiplomacyAsia_APSA_TLC.pdf201902application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2b26e0099d1d001855a9bd/original/modeling-small-state-diplomacy-in-east-asia-how-asean-simulations-can-help-students-understand-regional-dynamics.pdf["orcid:0000-0002-9966-7360"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42a"]00APSA—584Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2020-h8fj3https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2020-h8fj3https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5e2b26e0099d1d001855a9bd—[]——true[]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272020-01-27T14:36:52.603ZPUBLISHED2020-01-27T14:36:52.603Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522020-01-25T05:59:00.257Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2b26e0099d1d001855a9bd/mediumThumb/modeling-small-state-diplomacy-in-east-asia-how-asean-simulations-can-help-students-understand-regional-dynamics.jpgModeling Small State Diplomacy in East Asia: How ASEAN Simulations can Help Students Understand Regional Dynamics1—[]
5e2b4b6e5ad14f001ba14b88In recent years, great enthusiasm has been expressed about the digital textbook, but do students actually like it? Student attitudes about e-textbooks have been the most-investigated aspects of the academic digital platform, but while many early studies suggested that most students actually preferred paper texts to electronic ones, later studies have produced mixed results. Since students’ feelings about the text may also have a significant impact on their engagement with a course’s subject matter, it is essential to examine not only what attitudes students hold about the digital text platform, but also the impact of those attitudes on their academic experience. Using data from a study of students in introductory political science courses, this research explores student attitudes toward the digital textbook and the impact of these attitudes on student engagement with the text, the likelihood that they will complete the assigned reading, and their interest in politics.11242020-01-27T19:36:18.756ZTLC Paper, Spring 2020.pdf94424application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2b4b6e5ad14f001ba14b88/original/student-attitudes-about-e-texts-engagement-reading-compliance-and-political-interest.pdf["orcid:0000-0002-1978-1017"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42a"]00APSA—540Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2020-f46vkhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2020-f46vkhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5e2b4b6e5ad14f001ba14b885ebbce34b5a0a600195b0bdd[]——true["TLC2020"," The Virtual and Technology-Enhanced Classroom"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272020-01-27T19:36:18.769ZPUBLISHED2020-01-27T19:36:18.769Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522020-01-24T20:10:06.145Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2b4b6e5ad14f001ba14b88/mediumThumb/student-attitudes-about-e-texts-engagement-reading-compliance-and-political-interest.jpgStudent Attitudes about E-Texts: Engagement, Reading Compliance, and Political Interest1—[]
5e2d3e60099d1d001855a9c2One of the most challenging facets of encouraging student participation in classroom discussions is navigating the complex dynamics of personal behavior and interpersonal interaction that leads to what the research refers to as student “silence." Despite a nominal desire to avail themselves of the attention of their professor and peers in class, students will often decline to participate for a number of reasons including personality characteristics which disfavor speaking publicly, gender dynamics and expectations, a lack of comfort with the dominant in-class language and a fear of embarrassment/social sanction. In-class technology provides one possible mechanism for bridging this gap. This study seeks to ascertain whether the use of an online participation platform (Peardeck) is associated with increased participation of students who, for various reasons, are less likely to participate than their cohorts in a public affairs/governance classroom.7252020-01-27T16:51:18.333ZAPSA Presentation.pptx1102545application/vnd.openxmlformats-officedocument.presentationml.presentationhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2d3e60099d1d001855a9c2/original/in-class-participation-through-technology-in-a-political-science-context.pptx["name:matthew record"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42a"]00APSA—67Presentation5ce663395846762193c9c43210.33774/apsa-2020-d1lfthttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2020-d1lfthttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5e2d3e60099d1d001855a9c25ebbce34b5a0a600195b0bdd[]——true["Class Participation","In-class Technology","Inclusive Classrooms","TLC2020"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272020-01-27T16:51:18.345ZPUBLISHED2020-01-27T16:51:18.345Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522020-01-26T07:29:32.603Z[]—In-Class Participation Through Technology in a Political Science Context1—[]
5e2dd305099d1d001855a9c3William Riker argued political skills and strategies can be developed through two methods: instruction or practice. Simulations offer opportunities for students to receive instruction in political strategies and practice developing political skills without the real-world consequences faced by policymakers. Budget simulations introduce students to collective action problems prevalent at all levels of American government. While developing and passing a budget provides students with practice, carefully constructing the simulation introduces the heresthetic tactics of agenda setting, strategic voting, and dimension manipulation. By incorporating these strategies into the simulation, students must navigate conflicting interests—maximize personal gains and risk not adopting a budget, or cooperate and approve a budget that may not align with personal preferences. When used in American government and political institution courses, the budget simulation helps students identify choices policymakers encounter and develop the skills necessary for navigating those situations and the broader policymaking process.8992020-01-27T14:50:44.872ZSmith & Phillips TLC Paper.pdf153197application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2dd305099d1d001855a9c3/original/shut-it-down-teaching-heresthetic-by-simulating-the-budget-process.pdf["name:alex smith","name:stephen phillips"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42a"]00APSA—430Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2020-8f263https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2020-8f263https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5e2dd305099d1d001855a9c35ebbce34b5a0a600195b0bdd[]——true["TLC2020","Simulations and Games","Heresthetic","Budget","Collective Action"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272020-01-27T14:50:44.887ZPUBLISHED2020-01-27T14:50:44.887Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522020-01-26T18:27:55.779Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2dd305099d1d001855a9c3/mediumThumb/shut-it-down-teaching-heresthetic-by-simulating-the-budget-process.jpg"Shut it Down!": Teaching Heresthetic by Simulating the Budget Process1—[]
5e2e6ee5fe57a700188a5b59Learning-by-doing presents an opportunity for political science departments to instruct undergraduate students in social science research methods. Conducting these trainings as short-term, high impact programs have the potential to make research and research methods accessible and appealing to students. Building these opportunities around major political events transforms these opportunities for learning further still. Rooted in these considerations, we designed and implemented the Qualitative Methods and the 2017 Presidential Inauguration Research Program at Purdue University. The program was a condensed qualitative research methods training experience that incorporated field work, conducted in spring 2017. This article offers lessons for innovating on undergraduate methods training.9912020-01-27T15:05:58.467ZDuncan and Brown, Learning by Doing Qualitative Methods in DC.pdf207706application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2e6ee5fe57a700188a5b59/original/learning-by-doing-teaching-qualitative-methods-in-dc.pdf["name:natasha duncan","name:nadia brown"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42a"]00APSA—303Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2020-p05nvhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2020-p05nvhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5e2e6ee5fe57a700188a5b595ebbce34b5a0a600195b0bdd[]——true["TLC2020"," Teaching Research and Writing"," Qualitative Methods"," High Impact"," Undergraduate"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272020-01-27T15:05:58.482ZPUBLISHED2020-01-27T15:05:58.482Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522020-01-27T05:10:00.853Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2e6ee5fe57a700188a5b59/mediumThumb/learning-by-doing-teaching-qualitative-methods-in-dc.jpgLearning-by-doing: Teaching Qualitative Methods in DC1{"url":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15512169.2021.1897601","vorDoi":"10.1080/15512169.2021.1897601"}[]
5e2ecfaa099d1d001855a9c8In this presentation I will begin by situating and accounting for my pedagogical decision to teach the Fall 2019 section of Modern Political Thought, through the lens of Western-European literature. This course focuses on the use of the novel in Western-European culture as a commentary on contemporary political experiences. For example, the novels that will be covered in this course aim to convey to the reader the power of political will, utopia and dystopia, ideological bias, gender politics, religion and civic engagement, among other political themes. Throughout the course we will read these books as they speak to their time and to our own, encouraging an historical perspective on the development of Western – European political ideas. The texts under consideration include; Utopia. Thomas More, Frankenstein. Mary Shelley, Darkness at Noon. Arthur Koestler, Continental Drift. Russell Banks, Linden Hills. Gloria Naylor 9342020-01-27T21:48:33.421ZTeaching Western Political Thought Through Western Literature - D. West.docx.pdf493951application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2ecfaa099d1d001855a9c8/original/teaching-western-political-thought-through-western-literature.pdf["name:douglas west"]["5ce663395846762193c9c426"]00APSA—566Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2020-84blbhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2020-84blbhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5e2ecfaa099d1d001855a9c85ebbce34b5a0a600195b0bdd[]——true["TLC2020"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272020-01-27T21:48:33.432ZPUBLISHED2020-01-27T21:48:33.432Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522020-01-27T12:02:34.050Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2ecfaa099d1d001855a9c8/mediumThumb/teaching-western-political-thought-through-western-literature.jpgTeaching Western Political Thought Through Western Literature 1{"url":"https://doi.org/10.33423/jhetp.v20i4.2992","vorDoi":"10.33423/jhetp.v20i4.2992"}[]
5e2eda03cd361a001afed286The Politics of American Pop Culture, an upper level political science elective, uses theories of culture, intersectionality, and institutions to help students ask and answer critical questions around power in the American Political system. Through an analysis of film, television (both reality and scripted), music, musical theater, and professional athletics, students are forced to analyze power dynamics around race, class, and gender – why do some groups work outside the formal political system through popular culture to change the system so it works to their advantage. This paper/discussion will define what we mean by popular culture today, how students are exposed to various works of popular culture, and how using this framework has created more engaging discussions around oppression, representation, and engagement. Finally, it will discuss how students elevate their own understanding of popular culture in the American political discourse.15322020-01-27T15:10:28.503ZUsing Popular Culture as a Tool to Encourage Inclusive Discussions.pdf172229application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2eda03cd361a001afed286/original/using-popular-culture-as-a-tool-to-encourage-inclusive-discussions.pdf["name:leanne doherty"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42a"]30APSA—1564Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2020-c1rnfhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2020-c1rnfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5e2eda03cd361a001afed2865ebbce34b5a0a600195b0bdd[]——true["TLC2020","The Inclusive Classroom","Intersectionality","Popular Culture"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272020-01-27T15:10:28.515ZPUBLISHED2020-01-27T15:10:28.515Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522020-01-27T12:46:22.802Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2eda03cd361a001afed286/mediumThumb/using-popular-culture-as-a-tool-to-encourage-inclusive-discussions.jpgUsing Popular Culture as a Tool to Encourage Inclusive Discussions1—[]
5e2eecaecc45bb0019b9d8beMost students are interested in the operation of our courts. They want to know how crimes are investigated, how criminals are prosecuted, convicted and sentenced, and how (and how well) prisons operate. Unfortunately, the people with the best experience to address these topics are not usually found on campus. But with some advanced planning, they can become partners in a meaningful experiential education collaboration. This paper briefly reviews the experiential theory behind this undergraduate field class, and the mechanics of its operation.7502020-01-27T15:14:47.359ZFINAL 2020 APSA Teaching an Learning Criminal Justice Professionals as Co Educators (2).pdf315136application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2eecaecc45bb0019b9d8be/original/experiential-learning-justice-system-officials-as-co-educators.pdf["name:jennifer pahre"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42a"]00APSA—288Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2020-7kl9rhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2020-7kl9rhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5e2eecaecc45bb0019b9d8be5ebbce34b5a0a600195b0bdd[]——true["TLC2020"," experiential"," civil engagement"," courts"," field trips"," criminal law"," criminal courts","law"," experiential learning"," field study"," on-site"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef252020-01-27T15:14:47.371ZPUBLISHED2020-01-27T15:14:47.371Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522020-01-27T14:21:00.874Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2eecaecc45bb0019b9d8be/mediumThumb/experiential-learning-justice-system-officials-as-co-educators.jpgExperiential Learning: Justice System Officials as Co-Educators1—[{"description":"Faculty Profile for Jennifer Pahre","title":"Jennifer Pahre's Faculty Profile, University of Illinois College of Law","url":"https://law.illinois.edu/faculty-research/faculty-profiles/jennifer-pahre/"}]
5e2f301fafc3ff0019673579Translating community engagement activities from face-to-face courses, where students share a common space and community, to online courses, which lack a shared place, is challenging. This paper presents two approaches that have been used to successfully connect online undergraduate students to their communities and increase their level of civic engagement. Both of these approaches focus on building attachment to place as an alternative to service learning that leads to higher civic engagement. The success of these approaches in terms of student satisfaction and learning outcome attainment also demonstrates how alternatives to service-learning based civic engagement efforts in online classrooms can be more attainable and accessible for online students and for non-traditional students. 16072020-01-27T19:31:06.593ZRees_LaForge_CommunityEngagedLearningOnline (draft).pdf676968application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2f301fafc3ff0019673579/original/building-community-engaged-learning-into-the-online-political-science-classroom.pdf["orcid:0000-0002-2995-9106","name:chera laforge"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42a"]00APSA—1383Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2020-m0ptshttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2020-m0ptshttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5e2f301fafc3ff00196735795ebbce34b5a0a600195b0bdd[]——true["TLC2020","Civic Engagement"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef242020-01-27T19:31:06.656ZPUBLISHED2020-01-27T19:31:06.656Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522020-01-27T18:52:06.421Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2f301fafc3ff0019673579/mediumThumb/building-community-engaged-learning-into-the-online-political-science-classroom.jpgBuilding Community-Engaged Learning into the Online Political Science Classroom1—[{"description":"Example Assignments and other resources. ","title":"Supplementary Materials for Building Community-Engaged Learning into the Online Political Science Classroom","url":"http://go.iu.edu/2cBf"}]
5e2f3b27fe57a700188a5b63Recent data and information from APSA describe a crisis for Political Science educators in terms of addressing the changing needs and challenges facing students as well as the declining enrollments in Political Science curriculum across the nation. Two issues found with these reports are that 1) none of them address major outcomes as a way to address creating curriculum standards across the board to meet the desired results of a better prepared major student and 2) the courses do little to address the multiple career paths of Political Science majors. This paper addresses these two areas and how they can create a better identity for a department.9362020-01-27T19:49:14.895ZSpringer2020Who are you.pdf185053application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2f3b27fe57a700188a5b63/original/who-are-you-addressing-the-identity-issue-of-political-science-majors.pdf["name:mark springer"]["5ce663395846762193c9c422"]00APSA—279Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2020-2dq3chttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2020-2dq3chttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5e2f3b27fe57a700188a5b635ebbce34b5a0a600195b0bdd[]——true["TLC2020","General Ed and Interdisciplinary Learning"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272020-01-27T19:49:14.908ZPUBLISHED2020-01-27T19:49:14.908Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522020-01-27T19:42:14.330Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2f3b27fe57a700188a5b63/mediumThumb/who-are-you-addressing-the-identity-issue-of-political-science-majors.jpgWho are you? Addressing the Identity Issue of Political Science Majors 1—[]
5e2f53b2cc45bb0019b9d8ccCollege degrees used to be evaluated primarily by their academic content and intellectual depth, when graduating from a university was sufficient to ensure gainful employment. However, as the economy has changed, so too have the requirements for entering the working world and graduate professional schools. Internships have become a key for post-graduation employment, and often an important means for improving the quality and significance of early professional placement. Internships give students an opportunity to acquire useful work experience, and perhaps more importantly, an understanding of the type of career they might wish to pursue after graduation. Although most undergraduates tend to think of all internship programs in similar terms, not all internship programs are the same. This paper examines three different internships programs offered at the University of Southern California, compares the organizational and process components of the programs, and assesses the impact of the programs on the student participants.11062020-01-30T13:33:12.654ZEvaluatingInternshipPrograms (1-26-20).pdf203930application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2f53b2cc45bb0019b9d8cc/original/evaluating-alternative-designs-of-internship-programs.pdf["name:art auerbach","name:yael wolinsky-nahmias"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42a"]20APSA—1334Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2020-cwgl6https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2020-cwgl6https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5e2f53b2cc45bb0019b9d8cc5ebbce34b5a0a600195b0bdd[]——true["Internships"," Internship Programs"," Assessment Survey"," Experiential Learning","TLC2020"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272020-01-30T13:33:12.669ZPUBLISHED2020-01-30T13:33:12.669Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522020-01-27T21:30:03.847Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2f53b2cc45bb0019b9d8cc/mediumThumb/evaluating-alternative-designs-of-internship-programs.jpgEvaluating Alternative Designs of Internship Programs1—[]
5e2f6e14afc3ff001967357aBoth scholarship on education and practice have recently encouraged the inclusion of writing assignments in the classroom, even in introductory courses. Writing-across-the-curriculum programs have been implemented across universities and colleges, promoting structured, writing assignments outside of language-based programs and courses. The collective knowledge on the subject highlights the effectiveness of frequent short assignments as being better for achieving learning goals, in comparison to more traditional, longer term papers often assigned in upper-division and graduate political science courses. This paper explains our efforts to revise the curriculum in two of the courses in our Master’s in International Policy Management program. In particular, we focus on two types of policy writing, policy memos and infographics. In this paper, we discuss the background of the program and courses, our choices of assignments, and their design and implementation. Further, we present student assessment of how these assignments contributed to their learning in the courses.23892020-01-28T18:03:32.745ZAPSA TLC Paper - Bhasin and Butcher.pdf600854application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2f6e14afc3ff001967357a/original/teaching-effective-policy-memo-writing-and-infographics-in-a-policy-program.pdf["name:tavishi bhasin","name:charity butcher"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42a"]10APSA—805Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2020-1clfwhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2020-1clfwhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5e2f6e14afc3ff001967357a5ebbce34b5a0a600195b0bdd[]——true["TLC2020","Teaching Research and Writing","Infographics","Policy Memos","graduate education"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272020-01-28T18:03:32.768ZPUBLISHED2020-01-28T18:03:32.768Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522020-01-27T23:16:17.867Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2f6e14afc3ff001967357a/mediumThumb/teaching-effective-policy-memo-writing-and-infographics-in-a-policy-program.jpgTeaching Effective Policy Memo Writing and Infographics in a Policy Program1—[]
5e2f9610cd361a001afed294Increasingly, college students are enrolling in both online and face-to-face classes, while college instructors are teaching both online and face-to-face classes. What are the key similarities and differences in quality instruction across these formats? Instructors can benefit from knowing what the best classes have in common, and how to adjust their teaching to best fit the medium of delivery. We surveyed 2,007 undergraduate students at a public, metropolitan university and asked them about the best and worst classes they have ever taken. The resulting qualitative and quantitative data reveal some important consistencies across modalities—like effective communication and instructor availability. Other factors, however, differ by course format. Instructors seem to matter more in face-to-face courses, where they can establish personal relationships with students, whereas assignments are more important in online classes. Our findings can help college instructors in any modality reach students with instruction they will remember as truly excellent. 73392020-01-28T17:50:09.578ZGlazier and Harris, Best Worst, APSA TLC, 2020.pdf171146application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2f9610cd361a001afed294/original/common-traits-of-the-best-online-and-face-to-face-classes-evidence-from-student-surveys.pdf["orcid:0000-0002-1121-152X","name:heidi skurat harris"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42a"]110APSA—4641Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2020-n8fwfhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2020-n8fwfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5e2f9610cd361a001afed2945ebbce34b5a0a600195b0bdd[]——true["TLC2020"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272020-01-28T17:50:09.591ZPUBLISHED2020-01-28T17:50:09.592Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522020-01-28T02:17:50.182Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2f9610cd361a001afed294/mediumThumb/common-traits-of-the-best-online-and-face-to-face-classes-evidence-from-student-surveys.jpgCommon Traits of the Best Online and Face-to-face Classes: Evidence from Student Surveys 1—[]
5e2f9668099d1d001855a9daTeaching the intricacies of the Arab-Israeli conflict to undergraduates in a comprehensive and dispassionate manner presents numerous difficulties, even under controlled classroom conditions. As logistically difficult as it is, traveling to the region and exploring the issues through direct interactions with its various peoples, places, groups, and polities allows for a unique and meaningful opportunity to unravel otherwise unfathomable elements of this complex case. This paper documents the particular successes, challenges, and missteps of a recent international travel-learning course which brought a group of American undergraduates to Israel and the West Bank for an intensive learning experience. 7742020-01-28T17:41:50.820ZEmpowering Students Via Travel - Probing the Arab-Israeli Conflict from the Field - APSA Teaching and Learning 2020.pdf408320application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2f9668099d1d001855a9da/original/empowering-students-via-travel-probing-the-arab-israeli-conflict-from-the-field.pdf["orcid:0000-0003-2684-6744"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42a"]00APSA—376Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2020-4c6qghttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2020-4c6qghttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5e2f9668099d1d001855a9da5ebbce34b5a0a600195b0bdd[]——true["TLC2020","Community Engagement and Experiential ","Travel Learning","Middle East"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272020-01-28T17:41:50.857ZPUBLISHED2020-01-28T17:41:50.857Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522020-01-28T02:13:57.832Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2f9668099d1d001855a9da/mediumThumb/empowering-students-via-travel-probing-the-arab-israeli-conflict-from-the-field.jpgEmpowering Students Via Travel: Probing the Arab-Israeli Conflict from the Field1—[]
5e2f9908afc3ff001967357fThis study utilizes quasi-experiments to test different interventions’ effectiveness in empowering teenage students to increase civic engagement and accumulate social capital within networks that they are embedded in. Utilizing "leadership in the form of public narratives," "world trade simulations," and “student facilitated public discussions,” – three pedagogical interventions the author has practiced for many years in multiple cities in China and the U.S. – this study found that these three workshops could increase the level of trust and norms of reciprocity within groups in just a few hours. The motivational, analytical, and practical tools used in such interventions could be effective in future civic engagement educations and grassroots organizing. 8742020-01-28T14:49:18.171ZSun Creating social capital in classrooms.pdf488072application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2f9908afc3ff001967357f/original/creating-social-capital-in-classrooms-how-different-pedagogical-methods-could-empower-students-and-stimulate-civic-engagement.pdf["orcid:0000-0002-5806-5830"]["5ce663395846762193c9c423"]00APSA—373Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2020-8vs66https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2020-8vs66https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5e2f9908afc3ff001967357f5ebbce34b5a0a600195b0bdd[{"funderId":"","grantNumber":"","name":"Yifang Foundation","url":null}]——true["social capital"," civic engagement","TLC2020"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272020-01-28T14:49:18.184ZPUBLISHED2020-01-28T14:49:18.184Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522020-01-28T02:27:58.684Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2f9908afc3ff001967357f/mediumThumb/creating-social-capital-in-classrooms-how-different-pedagogical-methods-could-empower-students-and-stimulate-civic-engagement.jpgCreating social capital in classrooms: how different pedagogical methods could empower students and stimulate civic engagement1—[]
5e2facb7099d1d001855a9dfEmbedded in a unit on legislative institutions in an Introduction to Comparative politics course, students work through the process of post-election coalition-building, a frequent occurrence in parliamentary democracies. The activity is based on politics in the UK. Students have an entire class session (1 hour 15 minutes) to form coalitions that will be cohesive enough to withstand pressures from competing elites and the public. The purpose of this activity is to enhance student understanding of parliamentary electoral systems while also gaining a more detailed understanding of parties and institutional rules in parliamentary democracies. Most importantly, this simulation strives to foster student understanding of the complexities inherent to strategic bargaining, thus demonstrating how both formal and informal institutions structure the behavior of elites.8272020-01-28T14:33:58.274ZHowe Coalition-Building in a Parliamentary Democracy.pdf220314application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2facb7099d1d001855a9df/original/post-election-coalition-building-in-a-comparative-politics-classroom.pdf["name:adam howe"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42a"]00APSA—613Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2020-llp8thttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2020-llp8thttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5e2facb7099d1d001855a9df5ebbce34b5a0a600195b0bdd[]——true["TLC2020"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272020-01-28T14:33:58.287ZPUBLISHED2020-01-28T14:33:58.287Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522020-01-28T03:46:18.538Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2facb7099d1d001855a9df/mediumThumb/post-election-coalition-building-in-a-comparative-politics-classroom.jpgPost-Election Coalition-Building in a Comparative Politics Classroom1—[]
5e2fb113099d1d001855a9e1An essay reflecting on the creation of the political science major at Wingate University. Essay explores lessons learned in creating the major, including lessons related to academic bureaucracy, interdisciplinary crossover, faculty hiring, and enrollment and recruiting. 9242020-01-28T14:28:58.136ZAPSA_paper_major.pdf331433application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2fb113099d1d001855a9e1/original/ten-years-in-reflections-on-creating-a-political-science-major-from-scratch.pdf["name:joseph ellis"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42a"]10APSA—383Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2020-8thq1https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2020-8thq1https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5e2fb113099d1d001855a9e15ebbce34b5a0a600195b0bdd[]——true["TLC2020"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272020-01-28T14:28:58.150ZPUBLISHED2020-01-28T14:28:58.150Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522020-01-28T04:05:20.112Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2fb113099d1d001855a9e1/mediumThumb/ten-years-in-reflections-on-creating-a-political-science-major-from-scratch.jpgTen Years In: Reflections on Creating a Political Science Major from Scratch1—[]
5e2fb88fcc45bb0019b9d8d5The paper presents practical ways in which narrative and storytelling can be used as empowering tools for students of political and social change. The perspectives and applications I discuss have emerged from work with non-traditional and minoritized students in classroom and community contexts. Thematically, the paper will focus on two key ways in which students may engage with narrative. First, students may come to understand and analyze stories as forms of knowledge that are not often valued. Second, students can evaluate and practice storytelling as a strategy for social change. For each broad theme, I briefly discuss relevant scholarly work to situate the various applications presented below. In the sections that follow, I present models for how narrative can build inclusion in the classroom and promote engagement in the community.10722020-01-28T14:22:32.877ZAPSA Paper 2020.pdf225866application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2fb88fcc45bb0019b9d8d5/original/the-narrative-arc-bends-toward-justice-storytelling-in-classroom-and-community.pdf["name:esa syeed"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42a"]10APSA—601Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2020-jcqh6https://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2020-jcqh6https://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5e2fb88fcc45bb0019b9d8d55ebbce34b5a0a600195b0bdd[]——true["Narrative","Social Change","Classroom resources","TLC2020"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272020-01-28T14:22:32.891ZPUBLISHED2020-01-28T14:22:32.891Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522020-01-28T04:35:59.963Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2fb88fcc45bb0019b9d8d5/mediumThumb/the-narrative-arc-bends-toward-justice-storytelling-in-classroom-and-community.jpgThe Narrative Arc Bends toward Justice: Storytelling in Classroom and Community1—[]
5e2fc188cc45bb0019b9d8d7Teaching and learning in institutions of higher education is occurring, unavoidably, within the broader civic context of today’s extraordinarily polarizing political times. In Canada, public consciousness has recently been buffeted by a contentious 2019 federal election process; taken in the further light of the US’s 2020 presidential campaign, and global tumult spanning the horizon immediately beyond, we seek to help our students situate themselves with respect to, and assess these points of profound contention, without ourselves contributing to exacerbated polarization. We aim to offer students in our first-year exploratory political science course a vital tool—critical rigor—for navigating, but not being inundated by the storm. This paper discusses our experiences in teaching our course, “The Worlds of Politics”, as we have attempted to help students meaningfully engage in cognitive processes of critical analytic thinking, without undue infringement from their own, and least of all our, personal political biases.8602020-01-28T14:15:39.727ZWender D'Erman APSA 2020 TLC.pdf238266application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2fc188cc45bb0019b9d8d7/original/a-compass-during-the-storm-offering-students-critical-rigor-for-polarizing-times.pdf["name:andrew wender","orcid:0000-0003-0597-4181"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42a"]00APSA—391Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2020-8fs5rhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2020-8fs5rhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5e2fc188cc45bb0019b9d8d75ebbce34b5a0a600195b0bdd[]——true["TLC2020","Teaching Research"," Writing"," and Information Literacy"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272020-01-28T14:15:39.740ZPUBLISHED2020-06-12T13:32:24.447Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522020-01-28T05:23:44.017Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e2fc188cc45bb0019b9d8d7/mediumThumb/a-compass-during-the-storm-offering-students-critical-rigor-for-polarizing-times.jpgA Compass During the Storm: Offering Students Critical Rigor for Polarizing Times1—[]
5e3043795ad14f001ba14bbbAbstract: There has been previous work that has shown that games based on playing cards can be an effective way of demonstrating to students the logic of Hobbes realist view of the world and the impact of anarchy individually and at the international level in a visceral fashion. This paper builds from this model and develops several approaches that use a similar game format to teach students about different approaches to international relations, specifically realism, liberalism, and constructivism. By changing the rules of the game and allowing for different interactions, students learn to question the deeper theoretical foundations that unify and divide perspectives across the discipline. The paper will specifically address dynamics of liberal institutionalism, collective security and the possible role that identity can play in security choices. 12512020-01-30T12:59:12.101Zplaying cards v2.pdf52515application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e3043795ad14f001ba14bbb/original/playing-poker-with-hobbes-kant-and-anderson.pdf["orcid:0000-0001-7614-4869","name:nina kollars","name:amanda rosen","name:simon usherwood"]["5ce663395846762193c9c424"]00APSA—873Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2020-t10mrhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2020-t10mrhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5e3043795ad14f001ba14bbb5ebbce34b5a0a600195b0bdd[]——true["TLC2020"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272020-01-30T12:59:12.165ZPUBLISHED2020-01-30T12:59:12.165Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522020-01-28T14:29:57.715Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e3043795ad14f001ba14bbb/mediumThumb/playing-poker-with-hobbes-kant-and-anderson.jpgPlaying Poker with Hobbes, Kant and Anderson 1—[]
5e3072b4afc3ff0019673593When the subject matter is difficult for students, such international trade, achieving higher-order learning can be challenging. We developed a regional trade agreement simulation (RTA) to help solve student learning difficulties. In the simulation, students attempt to negotiate a RTA in small groups over two weeks. We then use this RTA simulation to evaluate whether it contributes to student knowledge, motivation, and critical thinking ability. Most previous studies have been limited to investigating student knowledge retention and motivation, but it remains an open question whether active learning techniques (like simulations) help achieve higher-order, critical thinking learning objectives. We have conducted surveys and pre-/post-tests in three courses at different universities. From multiple-choice questions and essay responses, we evaluate the simulation's contributions to student knowledge attainment, motivation about the subject, and improvements in critical thinking ability.11982020-01-28T18:25:21.384ZTLC 2020 Do simulations improve higher-order learning outcomes.pdf387865application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e3072b4afc3ff0019673593/original/do-simulations-improve-higher-order-learning-outcomes-evaluating-student-learning-through-a-simulated-regional-trade-agreement-negotiation.pdf["name:margaret edwards","name:yann kerevel","orcid:0000-0002-0971-7433"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42a"]10APSA—611Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2020-ppzwdhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2020-ppzwdhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5e3072b4afc3ff00196735935ebbce34b5a0a600195b0bdd[]——true["Simulations and Games","TLC2020","Critical Thinking Assessment","Trade Agreements"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272020-01-28T18:25:21.451ZPUBLISHED2020-01-28T18:25:21.451Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522020-01-28T17:59:03.361Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e3072b4afc3ff0019673593/mediumThumb/do-simulations-improve-higher-order-learning-outcomes-evaluating-student-learning-through-a-simulated-regional-trade-agreement-negotiation.jpgDo simulations improve higher-order learning outcomes? Evaluating student learning through a simulated regional trade agreement negotiation1—[]
5e308dd0cc45bb0019b9d8e3Political science professors have been using simulations to try to enhance student learning for years. Simulations are interesting, a nice change of pace from the traditional lecture, and allow for more student participation in class. But do they really make a difference when it comes to actual learning, and to longer term engagement with the material and with politics? This study attempts to examine the actual impact that simulations are having, by examining attitudes and understanding before and after taking part in a simulation. We study whether participation in classroom and Model United Nations simulations leads to increases in civic attitudes, behaviors, and political literacy. Using data from two semesters, five courses, and two clubs, we examine the statistical evidence to see if it supports the beneficial claims in the scholarly literature.11122020-01-29T16:13:42.248Zazmun_1.pdf226987application/pdfhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e308dd0cc45bb0019b9d8e3/original/do-classroom-simulations-really-help-students-learn-and-engage.pdf["name:gretchen knudson gee","orcid:0000-0003-0974-3524"]["5ce663395846762193c9c42a"]00APSA—332Working Paper5ce663395846762193c9c43010.33774/apsa-2020-0knkqhttps://doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2020-0knkqhttps://www.cambridge.org/engage/coe/article-details/5e308dd0cc45bb0019b9d8e35ebbce34b5a0a600195b0bdd[]——true["simulation","political science education","TLC2020","Simulations and Games"]5cc9d9bf7d4e0000ac04ef272020-01-29T16:13:42.260ZPUBLISHED2020-01-29T16:13:42.260Z5e68cb1bd1f19d49ce3ac7522020-01-28T19:47:10.370Z[]https://www.cambridge.org/engage/api-gateway/coe/assets/orp/resource/item/5e308dd0cc45bb0019b9d8e3/mediumThumb/do-classroom-simulations-really-help-students-learn-and-engage.jpgDo Classroom Simulations Really Help Students Learn and Engage?1—[]